CHINA 

IN  TSANSFORMATION 


ARCHIBALD  R.  COLQUHOUN 


ot  Jr,„  . 

■ "X 

PRINCETON,  N.  J.  ' ' 


Purchased  by  the  Hammill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division 


Section 


1DS709 

.C72 


Nutnber. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/chinaintransform00colq_0 


M ni'NC  rilANC.  ANP  TIIF,  AI'THUR  PISCUSSINf.  AFI  AIUS 


CHINA 


IN  TRANSFORMATION 


BY 


>/ 

ARCHIBALD  R.  COLOUHOUN 


GOLD  MEDALLIST,  ROYAL  GEOGRAPHICAL  SOCIETY  ; FORMERLY 
DEPUTY  COMMISSIONER,  BURMA,  ADMINISTRATOR  OF 
MASHONALAND,  AND  SPECIAL  CORRESPONDENT  OF 
“THE  LONDON  TIMES,”  IN  THE  FAR  EAST,  ETC. 


V/ITH  FRONTISPIECE,  MAPS 
AND  DIAGRAMS 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 
HARPER  & BROTHERS  PUBLISHERS 
1 898 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Introduction vii 

I.  The  Geographical  Question i 

II.  Foreign  Relations 28 

III.  The  Economic  Question 58 

IV.  The  Question  of  Communications 80 

V.  England’s  Objective  in  China 109 

VI.  Commercial  Development 141 

VII.  Government  and  Administration 167 

VIII.  Diplomatic  Intercourse 199 

IX.  The  Native  Press 228 

X.  The  Chinese  People 248 

XI.  Chinese  Democracy 283 

XII.  Hongkong 304 

XIII.  The  Political  Question 321 

XIV.  The  Political  Question— 348 

Glossary 383 

List  of  Books  Consulted 386 

Index 389 


\tr; 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

LI  HUNG  CHANG  AND  THE  AUTHOR  DISCUSSING 


MAP  OF  EASTERN  CHINA At  comme7icemeni  of  volume 

THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  RELIGIONS  IN  ASIA* lO 

LOESS  FORMATION  THROUGHOUT  NORTH  CHINA*  ...  22 

MAP  SHOWING  ADVANCE  OF  RUSSIA,  TO  THE  DETRIMENT 

OF  CHINA 37 

THE  DENSITY  OF  POPULATION  IN  ASIA* 40 

THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  RACES* 4I 

THE  NAVIGATION  LIMITS  OF  THE  YANGTSZE  AND  ITS  TRIBU- 
TARIES   I3I 

SKETCH  MAP,  SHOWING  NAVIGATION  LIMITS  OF  THE  SI  KIANG 

OR  WEST  RIVER I 37 

PROVINCES  RAVAGED  BY  MOHAMMEDAN  RISINGS*  ....  288 

REGIONS  DEVASTATED  BY  THE  TAIPING  REBELLION*  . . . 29I 

MAP  OF  HONGKONG 308 

MAP  SHOWING  KAULUNG  CONCESSION  OF  i860  AND  HONG- 
KONG EXTENSION  OF  1S9S 319 

CO.MPARISON  OF  AREAS  AND  POPULATIONS  OF  ENGLAND 

AND  RUSSIA  IN  EUROPE  AND  ASIA 323 

M.AP  OF  MANCHURIA Alendofvolutiie 

MAP  OF  NORTHERN  CHINA 

MAP  OF  CENTRAL  AND  SOUTHERN  CHINA  ... 

* Reproduced  by  permission  of  .MM.  Haclictte,  Messrs.  Virtue,  and  .Messrs. 

D.  Appleton  & Co.,  from  the  Geographic  Universelle  of  E.  Reclus. 


INTRODUCTION 


Recent  events  in  the  Far  East  have  drawn  the 
attention  of  the  world  to  the  condition  and  pros- 
pects of  China.  The  problems  which  are  in  course 
of  solution  there,  and  the  forces  which  are  at  work 
on  them,  are  exciting  an  unprecedented  interest 
throughout  Europe  and  America.  The  moment 
seems  opportune,  therefore,  for  putting  on  record 
some  results  of  the  writer’s  observations  during  sev- 
eral prolonged  visits  to  the  Ear  East,  a task  w'hich 
he  has,  for  some  time,  had  in  contemplation.  The 
work  is  strictly  limited  in  scope  to  such  an  account 
of  the  actual  China  as  may  interest  the  general 
reader,  and  be  helpful  to  men  of  business,  politicians, 
travellers,  and  others  who  may  wish  to  be  further 
informed  regarding  China.  It  makes  no  kind  of 
pretension  to  be  a book  for  the  student.  The  his- 
tory, the  literature,  the  religions,  and  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Chinese  are  treated  in  many 
works  of  various  degrees  of  merit,  accessible  to  all 
readers.  A few  indications  of  the  sources  of  in- 
formation on  some  of  these  subjects  will  be  found 
scattered  over  the  following  pages,  but  only  so  far 

vii 


INTRODUCTION 


as  is  necessary  to  render  the  actual  situation  gener- 
ally intelligible. 

Such,  then,  being  the  purpose  of  the  book,  it  will 
be  for  the  public  to  pronounce  on  the  success  of 
the  attempt.  But,  whatever  may  be  their  verdict,  it 
seems  incumbent  on  me  to  explain  that  the  task 
has  not  been  undertaken  without  reasonable  quali- 
fications and  adequate  preparation.  Indeed,  I may 
claim  to  have  enjoyed  in  my  life’s  training  some  ex- 
ceptional advantages  for  work  of  this  kind,  both  in 
the  way  of  observing,  and  of  correcting  deductions 
by  comparison  with  the  conditions  of  other  and  dif- 
ferent countries. 

Many  years  of  service  in  Burma,  first  as  an  en- 
gineer, and  later  as  Deputy-Commissioner;  repeated 
visits  to  Siam,  the  latter  on  a Government  mission 
and  in  a private  capacity ; prolonged  stays  in  China 
as  explorer,  special  correspondent  of  the  Times,  and, 
recently,  in  connection  with  important  negotiations 
concerning  railway  questions  — such,  briefly,  have 
been  my  qualifications  in  the  Far  East.  Nor  has 
my  experience  been  limited  to  Eastern  Asia.  As 
the  first  Administrator  of  Mashonaland,  where  I had 
to  deal  with  the  work  of  colony -making,  and  on 
a special  mission  to  examine  the  Nicaragua  Canal 
scheme,  and  in  visits  to  the  United  States  and  Can- 
ada, I may  claim,  and  not  merely  as  a student,  but 
as  a man  of  affairs,  to  have  prepared  myself  for  form- 
ing a judgment  upon  the  events  which  are  passing 
in  the  Ear  East;  for  a writer  on  the  Ear  Eastern 
problem  should  also  have  made  a study  of  the  West. 

viii 


INTRODUCTION 


In  the  East  it  has  always  been  my  special  aim  to 
draw  upon  the  best  sources  of  information,  and  it 
has  been  my  privilege  to  have  personally  known 
Rawlinson  and  Yule,  Alcock  and  Parkes,  Baber  and 
others,  while  it  has  also  been  my  good -fortune  to 
have  been  aided  in  the  preparation  of  this  work  by 
advice  from  various  friends.  It  will  not,  therefore, 
be  for  lack  of  opportunities  if  I have  failed  to  give 
to  the  reader  a fair  representation  of  the  state  of 
China  as  it  now  stands  in  its  relation  to  the  Powers 
of  the  world. 

The  grand  international  problem  presented  by 
the  affairs  of  China  has  been  approached  and  treated 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  English-speaking  and 
Teutonic  races,  because  there  is  an  obvious  coni- 
munity  of  interest  as  well  as  community  of  senti- 
ment among  them,  which  may  be  expected,  in  the 
long-run,  to  constitute  a permanent  factor  in  the 
world’s  affairs.  But  I have  endeavored  to  deal  with 
facts  and  probabilities  dispassionately,  avoiding  inter- 
national recriminations,  which  are  entirely  out  of 
place  in  serious  discussions.  The  movements  which 
are  in  progress  in  the  Far  East  are  of  the  gravest 
import,  and  I have  not  been  able  to  resist  the  con- 
viction that  the  immediate  destinies  of  mankind  are, 
to  a considerable  extent,  dependent  on  the  issue  of 
these  movements.  And,  although  no  race  question 
be  directly  involved,  one  can  scarcely  avoid  group- 
ing the  Powers  in  combinations  which  will  ultimate- 
ly place  the  Teutonic  peoples  on  the  one  side  and 
the  Slav- Latin  on  the  other.  This  would  leave 


IX 


INTRODUCTION 


Japan  as  a mediating  factor  of  great  influence  in 
the  evolution  of  the  Pacific  States.  The  onward 
march  of  Russia  cannot  be  stopped,  even  her 
own  rulers,  unless  it  encounters  a solid  barrier,  while 
the  unchecked  advance  of  that  Power  seems  certain 
to  confer  on  her  the  mastery  of  the  world.  Such  is 
the  general  conclusion  suggested  by  the  evidence 
set  forth  in  this  volume,  on  which  every  reader  can 
form  his  own  judgment. 


ntaiyi) 


[i^RMOSA 


E,A,STB‘MM  ASIA 


SKowin^  spheres  of  influ-cuce 
and  existing  aoid  proposed  Railways 
V"gl‘«h  MiJrft 


'Hon^  Kanjl  iSr  J 


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Guir  of 


E.rtstirLg  Raxhirays  thus, 
"PrOpOStd/  ,r  tt 

Ire^oty  J\jT-ts  II 


IluifiK'  lira*,  ftthhuh^ra,  NevrYo!  kti^l-omioi 


f 


CHINA 

IN  TRANSFORMATION 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 

The  Chinese  Empire  comprised  till  lately:  China 
Proper  — composed  of  eighteen  provinces — Man- 
churia, Mongolia,  Hi,  Tibet,  Kashgaria  or  Chinese 
Turkestan,  and  Corea. 

It  extended  over  6o°  of  longitude  and  40°  of  lati- 
tude. The  total  area  was  some  four  and  a half 
million  square  miles,  and  the  eighteen  provinces 
of  China  Proper,  including  the  islands  of  Hainan 
and  Formosa,  constituted  about  one -third  of  the 
whole  Empire,  containing,  however,  eleven -twelfths 
of  the  total  population  and  most  of  the  wealth  of 
the  country,  the  Central  Asian  dominions  forming 
a very  serious  burden  on  the  Chinese  exchequer. 
Not  very  long  ago  the  country  as  far  north  as  the 
Yablonoi  Mountains  belonged  to  China.  In  1858 
a large  slice  of  territory — namely,  the  Amur  Prov- 
ince, situated  between  the  Yablonoi  Mountains  on 


A 


1 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  north  and  the  Amur  River  on  the  south — 
passed  into  Russian  hands,  followed,  in  i860,  by  a 
large  and  most  valuable  region,  the  Maritime  or 
Coast  Province. 

The  enormous  tracts  lying  outside  China  Proper, 
still  almost  tcrrcs  incognitcs,  are,  excepting  always 
Manchuria,  beyond  the  radius  of  profitable  com- 
mercial intercourse  for  England.  Tibet,  when 
opened  up,  must  be  approached  through  India.  It 
can  and  should  be  done ; but  if  we  delay,  Tibet  will 
be  occupied  by  the  Russians,  crossing  the  Kirghis 
highlands,  the  necessary  steps  having  already  been 
taken  for  the  purpose.  The  hill  districts  of  Koko- 
nor,  the  Gobi  Desert,  and  Mongolia  are  all  unsuited 
for  advantaofeous  trade  relations.  These  table  and 

O 

high  lands  are  in  great  part  hill  and  desert,  poor 
and  sparsely  peopled ; where  fertile  and  moderately 
inhabited,  they  are  too  distant.  But  they  have  a 
great  strategical  importance.  Manchuria  is  now  for 
all  practical  purposes  Russian ; Mongolia,  Hi,  and 
Kashiraria  are  the  Tsar’s  whenever  he  chooses  to 
stretch  out  his  hand  for  them.  Corea  no  longer 
belongs  to  China,  and,  whatever  her  destinies  may 
be,  will  never  again  be  ruled  by  the  “Son  of  Heaven.” 

But  we  are  dealing  with  the  China  of  to-day,  and 
therefore  the  region  which  interests  us  in  our  pres- 
ent examination  is  comprised  by  the  eighteen  prov- 
inces of  China  Proper.  These  are  Chihli,  Shansi, 
and  Shensi  on  the  north;  Yunnan  and  Kweichau 
on  the  southwest ; Kwangtung  and  Kwangsi  in  the 
south ; Kansu  and  Szechuan  on  the  west ; Shan- 


2 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


tung,  Kiangsu,  Chekiang,  and  Fukien  on  the  east; 
and  Honan,  Anhwei,  Hupei,  Hunan,  and  Kiangsi 
in  the  centre.  China  Proper,  speaking  roughly,  is 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Yellow  and  China  Seas, 
reaching  fronr  Corea  to  the  Tongking  Gulf;  on  the 
west  by  Kokonor  and  Tibet ; on  the  south  by 
Tong:kins:  and  the  Shan  States;  and  on  the  north 
by  Mongolia  and  Russia.  The  principal  islands 
still  remaining  to  China,  of  the  hundreds  which 
fringe  the  coast,  are  Chusan  and  Hainan. 

The  area  of  China  Proper  measures  about  1,500,- 
000  square  miles,  being  about  half  the  size  of  Eu- 
rope, seven  times  that  of  France,  and  seventeen 
times  that  of  Great  Britain.  Each  of  the  eighteen 
provinces,  therefore,  is,  on  an  average,  almost  as 
large  as  the  latter  country.  Though  not  so  densely 
peopled  as  at  one  time  supposed  — mistaken  esti- 
mates having  been  circulated  by  those  who  had  not 
penetrated  the  country  away  from  seaboard  or  riv- 
er— it  is  yet  thickly  populated. 

Victor  Cousin  has  said,  “ Tell  me  the  geography 
of  a country  and  I will  tell  you  its  future.”  For 
either  theoretical  or  practical  purposes  a knowledge 
of  the  topography  of  a country  is  a necessity,  and 
its  practical  value  is  at  once  apparent  whenever  an 
attempt  is  made  at  laying  down  a system  of  com- 
munications, either  by  road  or  rail,  or  when  some  seri- 
ous political  question  is  under  examination.  Maps 
of  China  are  to  this  day  to  be  found  on  which 
are  projected  systems  of  railways  carried  across 
quite  impracticable  ground,  in  ludicrous  defiance  of 


3 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


mountain  systems  and  other  obstacles.  Our  politi- 
cal geography,  too,  seems  to  be  quite  as  much  at 
fault.  The  physical  characteristics  are  as  yet  but 
imperfectly  understood,  both  in  Europe  and  China, 
though  the  Jesuit  surveys,*  the  narratives  of  many 
recent  travellers,  and  especially  the  masterly  studies 
of  Richthofen,  have  done  much  to  make  the  Euro- 
pean geographer,  if  not  the  general  public,  acquaint- 
ed with  the  subject.  In  China  Proper  itself,  dismiss- 
ins^  the  more  or  less  savas^e  tracts  forminor  a fringe 
to  the  west  and  north,  there  still  remains  a vast 
Empire  of  most  varied  character.  The  chief  physi- 
cal characteristic  of  China  is  that,  in  the  region 
north  of  the  Yangtsze,  it  is  divided  into  two 
almost  equal  sections  at  the  iioth  degree  of  longi- 
tude, representing,  roughly,  the  level  and  moun- 
tainous country.  South  of  the  Yangtsze  the  in- 
terior is  shut  off  from  the  sea,  as  regards  trade 
purposes,  by  what  may  be  termed  a palisade  of 
very  broken  hills  running  generally  parallel  to 
the  seaboard.  The  main  features  of  China  include 
high  table-lands,  broken  mountainous  country,  rivers 
breaking  through  stupendous  ranges,  and  the  deltas 
of  the  Pei  ho,  the  Yellow,  the  Yangtsze,  and  the 
Si  kiang  (or  West)  rivers.  Looking  at  the  map. 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  whole  country,  with  the  ex- 


* In  1708  the  Jesuits  made  a survey  of  the  great  wall  for  Kanghi, 
in  1709  they  made  a map  of  Manchuria,  in  1711  one  of  Shantung, 
and  by  the  end  of  1717  they  had  completed  a map  of  the  whole 
Empire.  A few  years  later  they  surveyed  Tibet,  and  the  maps  pre- 
pared by  them  are  practically  those  still  in  use  to-day. 

4 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


ception  of  the  Great  Plain  and  the  deltas,  is  divided 
into  a number  of  compartments,  each  of  these  being 
cased  in  by  impounding  hills.  The  gorges,  by 
means  of  which  the  drainage  is  carried  through 
these  enclosing  ranges,  form  a marked  and  imposing 
feature  in  the  character  of  the  hill  country. 

A few  words  are  necessary  regarding  the  gener- 
al mountain  system  of  China.  Knowing,  however, 
that,  though  “geography  is  good,  brevity  is  better,” 
I shall  be  brief.  The  ranges  that  penetrate  the 
region  south  of  latitude  45°  N.  may  be  said  to  have 
their  nucleus  in  the  Pamir  plateau,  the  “ Roof  of  the 
World.”  From  this  plateau  extend  the  Tian  Shan, 
or  Celestial  Mountains,  separating  Mongolia  from 
Chinese  Turkestan  and  the  Gobi  Desert.  To  the 
south  of  the  Tian  Shan  the  Kuenlun  range  takes 
its  exit,  and,  proceeding  due  east,  separates  Chinese 
Turkestan,  the  desert  of  Gobi,  and  Kokonor  from 
Tibet,  ultimately  striking  the  Yungling  Mountains 
near  104°  E.  At  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
Pamirs  a huge  range  leaves  the  plateau,  and,  join- 
ing the  Kuenlun  with  a cross  spur,  forms  the  west- 
ern border  of  the  central  Tibetan  table-land ; thence, 
making  a great  curve,  it  continues  as  a barrier 
round  the  southern  and  eastern  sides  of  the  hiorh 

O 

plateau,  until  it  joins  the  Kuenlun  about  95°  E. 
Under  the  name  of  the  Himalaya  it  separates  that 
portion  of  Tibet  drained  by  the  Sanpo  or  Bramapu- 
tra  from  India,  some  of  its  peaks  being"  30,000  feet 
in  height.  East  of  Assam  it  is  broken  through  by 
the  Bramaputra.  Continuing  in  an  easterly  direc- 

S 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORAIATION 


tion,  it  throws  out  a huge  arm  southward,  which 
forms,  with  its  plateau  and  mountain  ranges,  the 
primary  base  of  Indo- China.  This  arm  is  cleft 
lengthwise  by  the  Salween  and  Mekong  rivers,  and 
partly  in  its  length  and  in  part  transversely  by  the 
Yangtsze  and  its  branches.  The  Irrawaddy  rises 
in  its  western  armpit;  the  Si  kiang  (West  River) 
and  the  Song  koi  (Red  River)  in  its  eastern  one. 
The  main  range  then  continues  in  a north-north- 
east direction,  and,  under  the  name  of  the  Yungling, 
impinges  on  the  Bayan  Kara,  which  springs  in  95° 
E.,  35°  N.  from  the  eastern  flank  of  the  hill  barrier 
that  encloses  the  central  Tibetan  table-land.  Run- 
ning nearly  due  east,  and  known  on  most  European 
maps  (but  only  there,  as  Richthofen  has  shown,  for 
“ling”  is  applied  in  China  onl}’  to  a mountain  pass) 
as  the  Pehling  and  Tsingling  ranges,  it  forms  the 
water  parting  between  the  Yangtsze  and  Yellow 
Riv^er  systems.  The  mountainous  belt  of  the  south- 
eastern provinces  forms  the  northern  water-shed  of 
the  Canton  River,  and  is  the  divide  between  it 
and  the  Yangtsze  system.  All  the  ranges  which 
penetrate  China  Proper,  with  the  exception  of  the 
mountains  of  Shantung,  jutting  out  south  of  the 
Gulf  of  Pechili,  are  connected  with  the  western 
Tibetan  system.  The  average  heights  of  the  west- 
ern China  highlands  may  be  roughly  given  as  fol- 
lows; the  Pamir  plateau,  15,000  feet;  Tibet,  15,000 
feet;  Kokonor,  10,500  feet;  the  Mongolian  plain, 
4000  feet;  the  Shansi  table-land,  3000  feet  to  6000 
feet;  Yunnan,  5000  feet  to  7000  feet. 

6 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 

The  chief  rivers  of  China,  from  south  to  north, 
are : 

The  Si  kiang  (or  West  River)  and  its  tributaries  ; 
the  Ta  kiang  (Yang-tsze)*f  and  its  affluent,  the  Han  ; 
the  Hoang  ho  (or  Yellow  River,  called  “ China’s  sor- 
row”), and  the  Pei  ho.  The  Min  kiang  in  Fukien 
and  the  Tsien  Tang  kiang  in  Chekiang  may  also  be 
mentioned,  but  they  are  of  quite  minor  importance. 

Regarding  the  rivers  of  western  China  draining 
southward,  such  as  the  Salween  and  the  Mekong 
or  Cambodia,  nothing  need  be  said  here.  They  are 
all  mighty  in  dimension,  but  quite  unnavigable,  and 
therefore  do  not  come  within  the  present  discussion. 
Of  the  Chinese  rivers,  the  Yangtsze  is  indisputably 
the  most  important,  being  the  main  artery,  indeed 
the  only  real  channel  for  trade,  between  eastern  and 
western  China.  It  has  a navigable  length  of  about 
1600  miles,  of  which  the  600  between  Shanghai  and 
Hankau  are  now  traversed  by  large  sea-going  and 
river  steamers,  while  Ichang,  some  360  miles  beyond, 
is  regularly  reached  by  light-draught  vessels,  and 
Chungking,  another  360  miles  farther  on,  has  been 
proved  to  come  within  the  navigation  limit.  Indeed, 
according  to  Hosie,  the  obstacles  that  exist  lie  be- 
tween Ichang  and  the  Szechuan  frontier,  a distance 
of  about  one  hundred  miles  ; all  beyond  that  being 

*The  Yangtsze  kiang,  usually  called  by  the  Chinese  the  Ta  kiang 
(great  river)  or  Kiang  (river),  is  the  “ Ouian  ” of  Marco  Polo.  Like 
other  rivers  in  China,  it  bears  different  names  in  different  parts  of 
its  course,  the  name  Yangtsze  being  properly  applied  only  to  its 
lower  reaches. 


7 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


plain  sailing,  not  only  as  far  as  Chungking,  but  even 
to  Sui  fu,  some  20b  miles  farther  west.  But  of  the 
Yangtsze  I shall  have  more  to  say  hereafter. 

The  Hoang  ho,  the  river  of  northern  China  which 
has  so  often,  and  with  such  terrible  results,  shifted 
its  mouth  (since  600  b.c.,  nine  times),  may  be  said 
to  be  nearly  un navigable.  The  amount  of  silt 

brought  down  by  it  is  encroaching  on  the  sea  at  the 
rate  of  100  feet  annually.  The  basin  of  the  Pei  ho 
is  formed  by  a number  of  streams,  flowing  mostly  in 
independent  channels  to  within  a short  distance  of 
the  coast,  where  they  converge  towards  the  treaty 
port  of  Tientsin.  For  purposes  of  navigation  it  is 
only  practicable  for  light-draught  boats.  Surveys  and 
travels  have  enabled  us  to  clearly  estimate  the  value 
of  the  Si  kiang  (Canton)  River,*  which  traverses  the 
entire  provinces  of  Kwangsi  and  Kwangtung  and 
part  of  Yunnan.  Information  regarding  this  water- 
way will  be  found  elsewhere,  but,  briefly,  the  river 
can  be  ascended  some  350  miles  by  light  - draught 
steamers,  more  than  half  the  distance  from  Canton 
to  the  navigation  limit.  On  the  upper  portion  junks 
can  travel  250  miles  to  the  borders  of  Yunnan.  The 
importance  of  this  river  to  China  and  the  advisability 
of  opening  it  effectively  need  not  be  dilated  on  here. 

The  peculiarities  of  Chinese  nomenclature  are  re- 
markable. No  river  or  chain  of  mountains,  as  Re- 
clus  points  out,  has  the  same  denomination  through- 
out its  length  ; no  town  even  keeps  its  primitive  name 


Explored  and  mapped  by  the  author  in  1882. 
8 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


from  one  dynasty  to  another.  “ There  is  no  national 
term  to  designate  China  itself,  or  its  inhabitants,” 
he  says;  “everyone  of  the  names  in  common  use  at 
different  periods  has  kept  its  former  meaning  and 
can  be  replaced  by  synonymes  ; not  one  has  yet  been 
transformed  by  use  into  a purely  geographical  ap- 
pellation. It  is  the  same  with  the  names  of  moun- 
tains, rivers,  provinces,  and  towns;  these  names  are 
only  epithets  — descriptive,  historical,  military,  or 
poetical  — changing  with  each  regime  and  replaced 
at  will  by  other  epithets.” 

The  population  of  China  Proper  has  so  suffered 
from  insurrections,  famines,  and  their  usual  accom- 
paniment, pestilence — that  it  is  now  generally  allow- 
ed to  comprise  no  more  than  350,000,000.  Indeed, 
some  believe  it  to  be  not  more  populous  than  India, 
and,  as  it  is  about  the  same  size,  they  assume  the 
population  to  be  under  300,000,000.  Knowing 
both  India  and  China  well,  I am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  350,000,000  will  be  found  no  extravagant 
estimate.* 

*The  population  in  1887  was  estimated  at  383,138,000,  Szechuan 
alone  containing  73,178,000,  equal  to  295  inhabitants  to  the  square 
mile.  At  various  periods  the  population  has  been  estimated  as  fol- 
lows ; 


Pere  Amiot 

'743 

150,265,475 

Lord  Macartney 

1792 

333,000,000 

Official  Census 

1813 

360,279,897 

Sacharoff 

1842 

413,686,994 

Vassilivitch 

1868 

404,946,514 

Chinese  Customs  Reports... 

1881 

380,000,000 

Any  statistics  based  upon  the  census  of  1842,  so  often  quoted,  must 
be  erroneous,  on  account  of  the  devastating  rebellions  and  terrible 
famines  which  have  occurred  since  then. 


9 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


This  amount  of  population  at  first  sight  seems  a 
large  one,  but  it  is  only  twelve  times  that  of  Eng- 
land, while  the  area  which  supports  it  is  thirty  times 


Christians.  Mohammedans.  Brahmans.  Buddhists.  Shamanists.  Pagans. 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  RELIGIONS  IN  ASIA 


greater.  The  extent  of  population,  therefore,  is  not 
excessive,  but,  as  noted  by  Wingrove  Cook,  its  dis- 
tribution is  most  remarkable.  The  pressure  upon 
the  eastern  seaboard  and  on  the  great  water-wavs, 

O j 


10 


where  they  open  out  into  valleys  and  deltas,  is  un- 
paralleled elsewhere.  Away  from  these,  the  popula- 
tion diminishes  rapidly.  The  most  populous  prov- 
inces have  as  much,  it  is  believed,  as  800  per  square 
mile,  the  average  being  270.  The  most  thinly  pop- 
ulated provinces  are  Kwangsi,  Kweichau,  and  Yun- 
nan. The  latter,  which,  before  the  Mohammedan 
rebellion,  counted  some  16,000,000  inhabitants,  has 
now  only  some  6,000,000,  giving  50  to  the  square 
mile.  The  eastern  part  of  Szechuan  is  very  populous; 
but  the  west,  abutting  on  Tibet,  is  mountainous 
and  poorly  peopled.  The  density  of  the  population 
will  be  found  to  be  in  some  degree  an  index  — but 
by  no  means  an  accurate  one,  owing  to  the  defective 
communications — to  the  agricultural  capabilities  of 
the  country.  We  may  take  half  the  area  of  the 
eighteen  provinces — that  is,  650,000  square  miles, 
or  ^00,000,000  of  acres  — as  being  land  cultivated 
and  capable  of  bearing  good  crops. 

The  metropolitan  province  of  Chihli,  with  an  area 
of  about  57,000  square  miles,  and  a population  of 
probably  36,000,000,  is  the  most  northern  portion 
of  the  Great  (delta)  Plain,  with  the  exception  of  the 
ranges  defining  its  northern  and  western  frontiers. 
On  the  east  it  is  bordered  by  the  Gulf  of  Pechihli 
and  Shantung,  on  the  south  by  Shantung  and 
Honan,  on  the  west  by  Shansi,  and  on  the  north  by 
Inner  Mongolia  and  Liaotung.  This  province  con- 
tains the  present  capital,  Peking,  and  the  chief 
northern  treaty  port,  Tientsin,  on  the  Pei  ho. 

The  province  of  Shansi — the  original  seat  of  the 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Chinese  people — is  bounded  on  the  north  by  Mon- 
golia, on  the  east  by  Chihli,  on  the  south  by  Honan, 
and  on  the  west  by  Shensi.  It  occupies  an  area  of 

66.000  square  miles,  and  contains  besides  its  capital, 
Taiyuen  fu,  eight  prefectural  cities.  The  popula- 
tion is  returned  as  being  17,000,000.  The  con- 
figuration of  Shansi  is  noteworthy,  its  southern 
portion,  including  the  region  down  to  the  Yellow 
River — in  all  an  area  of  about  30,000  square  miles — 
forming  a plateau  elevated  from  50C0  to  6000  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  the  whole  being  one  vast 
coal-field.  In  agricultural  products  the  province  is 
poor,  and,  as  the  means  of  transport  at  present  ex- 
isting are  rude  and  insufficient,  it  is  liable  to  famine, 
and  even  in  good  years  grows  food-stuffs  sufficient 
for  its  own  wants  only. 

The  province  of  Shensi  is  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  Great  Wall,  on  the  west  by  the  province  of 
Kansu,  on  the  south  by  the  province  of  Szechuan, 
and  on  the  east  by  Shansi,  from  which  it  is  separated 
bv  the  Yellow  River.  It  contains  an  area  of  some 

80.000  square  miles,  and  its  population  was  said  to 
number  upwards  of  10,000,000  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  Mohammedan  rebellion  of  1860-1875.  Its 
capital,  Sian,  is  next  to  Peking  in  importance,  and 
enjoys  the  distinction  of  having  been  the  capital  of 
the  Empire  for  a longer  period  than  any  other  city. 
The  Wei  basin,*  in  Shensi,  is  the  greatest  agricult- 

* The  cause  of  the  vitality  of  the  Wei  basin,  remarks  Richthofen, 
is  that  " Singan-fu  (Sian)  occupies  a dominant  position,  such  as  few 
inland  cities  enjoy  that  are  not  built  at  the  places  of  confluence  of 


12 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


ural  region  of  the  northwest,  and  on  this  account, 
as  well  as  its  geographical  position,  has  played  a 
prominent  part  in  the  history  of  China,  especially  in 
its  early  epochs.*  It  is  well  termed  by  Colonel 
Mark  Bell  the  centre  of  gravity  and  resistance  of 
Mid-China.  Cut  off  from  the  rest  of  China  by  the 
Yellow  River  and  its  bordering  mountainous  region 
to  the  eastward,  and  the  Tsingling  shan  range  to 
the  southward,  the  Taiping  rebellion  never  was  able 
to  cross  from  the  south  into  northern  Shensi,  nor 
did  the  Mohammedan  rebellion  of  Kansu  and  Shensi 
ever  spread  southward.  As  regards  products  and 
commercial  intercourse,  the  two  districts  have  been 
also  widely  divided.  The  importance  of  the  region 
to  China  is  evident.  Railway  connection  with  the 
eastern  provinces  is  a necessity,  for  it  requires  no 
special  insight  to  see  that  China  is  open  to  attack 
from  Central  Asia  by  the  very  road  which  she,  in 
the  past,  herself  always  followed  in  her  invasions. 

navigable  rivers.  It  is  situated  at  the  confluence  of  those  few  roads 
of  traffic  which  are  the  only  possible  connections  for  mediating  the 
intercourse  between  the  Wei  basin  and  the  eastern  and  northern 
provinces,  and  occupy,  therefore,  indeed,  in  some  measure,  the 
place  of  rivers.” 

* The  antiquarian  finds,  says  Richthofen,  nowhere  in  China  such 
opportunity  for  collecting  objects  of  interest  as  on  the  classical  soil 
of  the  Wei  basin.  At  a comparatively  recent  epoch  of  Chinese 
history,  during  the  Tang  dynasty,  arts  and  sciences  flourished  at 
the  Court  of  Chang- ngan,  the  present  Sian-fu.  Dr.  W.  Williams 
says  of  this  celebrated  line  of  princes  ; “ During  the  287  years  they 
held  the  throne,  China  was  probably  the  most  civilized  country  on 
earth,  and  the  darkest  days  of  the  West  formed  the  brightest  era  of 
the  East.” 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  province  of  Yunnan  lies  in  the  extreme  south- 
west of  the  Empire,  its  southern  and  western  borders 
forming  the  northern  frontiers  of  Tonoking  and 
Burma  respectively.  On  the  north  it  is  bordered 
by  Szechuan,  and  on  the  east  by  Kweichau  and 
Kwangsi.  It  is  the  third  largest  province  of  the 
Empire,  its  area  measuring  122,000  square  miles, 
but,  as  elsewhere  remarked,  owing  to  the  devasta- 
tions of  the  Mohammedan  rebellion  and  ensuins: 
plague,  its  population  has  been  greatly  reduced,  and 
now  is  not  more  than  6,000,000.  Yet  its  mineral 
wealth  is  greater  and  more  varied  than  that  of 
any  other  province.  Its  capital  is  Yunnan,  between 
which  town  and  Burma  a considerable  trade  is  car- 
ried on. 

The  other  southwest  province,  Kweichau,  is  the 
poorest  of  the  eighteen  in  agricultural  products,  but 
in  minerals  it  is  nearly  as  rich  as  that  of  Yunnan. 
The  population  is  about  the  same  as  Yunnan,  in  an 
area  of  64,000  square  miles.  The  means  of  com- 
munication, however,  are  so  defective  that  its  re- 
sources have  hitherto  been  almost  undeveloped. 

The  province  of  Kwangtung  lies  between  Kiangsi 
and  Hunan  on  the  north,  Fukien  on  the  northeast, 
Kwangsi  on  the  west,  and  the  ocean  on  the  south. 
Its  area  is  over  90,000  square  miles,  with  a popula- 
tion numbering  20,000,000.  Its  capital  is  Canton, 
on  the  Pearl  River,  the  largest  town  in  China,  and 
the  one  best  known  to  the  West,  as  for  a long  time 
it  was  the  only  place  to  which  foreigners  were  al- 
lowed access,  and  is  easily  visited  by  the  itinerant 


14 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


traveller  from  Hongkong,  while  en  roitte  to  Japan. 
The  natural  facilities  of  the  province  for  internal 
navisration  and  an  extensive  coastins:  trade  are  con- 
siderable,  its  long  line  of  littoral  affording  many  ex- 
cellent harbors,  and  its  waterways,  the  West  River 
and  its  affluents,  radiating  into  the  districts  in  the 
west  and  north,  even  beyond  the  provincial  frontiers. 

The  province  of  Kwangsi  extends  westward  of 
Kwangtung  to  the  border  of  Tongking,  and  has  an 
area  of  over  80,000  square  miles  and  a population 
of  8,000,000.  Both  Kwangsi  and  Kwangtung  are 
fairly  well  watered  by  the  West  River  and  its  trib- 
utaries, and  intercourse  is  easy.  Wuchau  and  Nan- 
ning, on  the  West  River,  are  the  largest  trading  towns 
in  the  province. 

The  province  of  Kansu  projects  like  a wedge 
into  the  Tibetan  plateau,  and  is  the  largest  of  the 
eighteen  provinces,  measuring  260,000  square  miles, 
with  a population  of  some  20,000,000.  Its  impor- 
tance politically  is  very  great,  as  it  commands  the 
highway  between  Central  Asia  and  China  Proper. 

The  province  of  Szechuan,  treated  fully  else- 
where, was  the  largest  of  the  eighteen  provinces 
before  Kansu  was  extended  across  the  desert,  and 
is  by  far  the  richest  and  most  populous.  It  is 
bounded  on  the  north  bv  Kansu  and  Shensi,  on 
the  east  by  Hupei  and  Hunan,  on  the  south  by 
Kweichau  and  Yunnan,  and  on  the  west  by  Tibet 
and  Kokonor.  Its  area  is  estimated  at  over  180,000 
square  miles,  and  its  population  at  varying  amounts: 
in  1882  it  was  35,000,000  according  to  the  Customs 

U 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Report,  but  since  then  it  has  been  generally  assumed 
to  be  not  under  60,000, ood. 

The  province  of  Shantung,  the  resources  of  which 
are  dealt  with  in  another  chapter,  is  bounded  on 
the  east  by  the  Yellow  Sea,  on  the  south  by  Kiangsu 
and  the  Yellow  Sea,  on  the  west  by  the  province  of 
Chihli,  and  on  the  north  by  Chihli  and  its  gulf.  A 
population  variously  estimated,  but  probably  num- 
bering as  many  as  30,000,000,  is  found  within  its 
area  of  53,000  square  miles.  Possessed  of  enormous 
mineral  wealth.  Shantung  is  also  a great  agricultural 
province,  as  is  proved  by  the  revenue  from  the  land- 
tax,  the  largest  derived  from  any  of  the  eighteen 
provinces — viz.,  taels  2,600,000. 

South  of  Shantung  lies  the  province  of  Kiangsu, 
between  the  ocean  on  the  east  and  Anhwei  on  the 
west,  with  Chekiang  to  the  south.  Its  area  com- 
prises over  40,000  square  miles,  with  a population 
of  some  40,000,000.  A great  portion  of  the  province 
is  covered  with  lakes  and  marshes,  but  it  is  generally 
very  fertile.  Among  its  many  fine  cities  are  Shang- 
hai, Nanking  (the  capital),  and  Suchau.  From  a.d. 
317  to  582  Nanking  was  the  metropolis  of  China,  and 
once  again  during  the  Ming  dynasty,  from  1368  to 
1403.  Suchau  is  situated  close  to  the  Tahu  Lake, 
whence  streams  and  canals  place  the  city  in  com- 
munication witli  various  parts  of  the  province,  espe- 
cially with  Shanghai,  the  road  between  the  two  cities 
being  a continuous  line  of  towns  and  villages.  In 
1859  Suchau  was  a city  which,  for  industry  and 
wealth,  was  not  to  be  matched  in  China,  and  had 

16 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


then  a population  estimated  at  over  a million. 
Siichau  and  Hangchau  in  Chekiang  represented  to 
the  Chinese  the  terrestrial  paradise.  “To  be  happy 
on  earth,”  said  they,  “ one  must  be  born  in  Suchau, 
live  in  Canton,  and  die  in  Hangchau.” 

Followinof  the  coast -line  southward  the  next 

O 

province  is  Chekiang,  bordered  by  Anhwei  and 
Kiangsi  on  the  west  and  Fukien  on  the  south.  It 
is  the  smallest  of  the  eighteen  provinces,  being  only 

35.000  square  miles  in  extent,  its  population  num- 
bering 8,000,000.  Chekiang  is  renowned  alike  for 
its  fertility,  its  forest  and  fruit  trees,  its  populous 
towns,  and  its  salubrious  climate.  Hangchau,  the 
capital,  is  one  of  the  finest  towns  in  the  Empire, 
and  was  described  by  Marco  Polo,  who  visited  it 
in  1286,  as  “beyond  dispute  the  noblest  in  the 
world.” 

The  next  province  bordering  on  the  ocean  is 
Fukien,  with  Kiangsi  on  the  west  and  Kiangtung 
on  the  south.  Formosa  lies  opposite  Fukien,  and 
formed  part  of  that  province  until  it  passed  into  the 
hands  of  Japan.  The  country  is  in  many  parts 
highly  cultivated,  and  is  generally  densely  peopled, 
having  a population  of  23,000,000  in  an  area  of 

45.000  square  miles.  Among  its  numerous  large 
cities  are  the  treaty  ports  of  Fuchau  and  Amoy. 

The  province  of  Honan,  containing  fertile  sec- 
tions of  the  Great  Plain,  supports  a population  of 
29,000,000  on  an  area  of  67,000  square  miles.  On 
its  north  lie  Shansi  and  Chihli,  on  the  east  Anhwei, 
on  the  south  Hupei,  and  Shensi  on  the  west.  The 


B 


17 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


northern  part  of  Honan,  next  tlie  Yellow  River,  is 
level,  fertile,  and  well  peopled.  Kaifung,  the  capital, 
lying  close  to  the  southern  bank  of  that  river,  was 
the  metropolis  from  a.d.  780  to  1 129. 

The  province  of  Anhwei  is  situated  in  the  central 
and  southern  parts  of  the  Great  Plain,  between 
Honan  and  Hupei  on  the  west,  and  Kiangsu  and 
Chekiang  on  the  east  and  north,  with  Kiangsi  in 
the  south.  The  area  of  the  province  is  54,000  square 
miles,  and  its  population  over  36,000,000.  The  coun- 
try is  similar  to  Kiangsu,  but  has  fewer  cities  and  is 
less  fertile. 

The  central  provinces  of  Hupei  and  Hunan  were 
formerl}"  one  province.  Hupei  is  the  more  populous 
and  fertile  but  the  smaller  of  the  two,  its  area  being 
some  70,000  square  miles,  against  83,000  for  Hunan, 
the  respective  populations  being  28,000,000  and 
20,000,000.  The  Yangtsze  flows  through  Hupei, 
carrying  an  immense  amount  of  silt  into  the  side 
valleys.  The  southeastern  portion  of  the  province 
is  considered  the  most  fertile  portion  of  China. 
The  provincial  capital,  Wuchang,  lies  on  the  south- 
ern side  of  the  Yangtsze,  Hankau  and  Hangyang 
being  on  the  opposite  bank  and  divided  by  its  trib- 
utary, the  Han.  The  position  of  Hankau,  situated 
as  it  is  on  the  central  portion  of  the  Yangtsze,  has 
been  dwelt  on  by  all  travellers  in  China;  it  seems 
destined  to  be  the  port  of  eastern  Central  Asia. 
The  rich  province  of  Hunan,  the  population  of 
which  was  reduced  by  the  Taiping  rebellion,  is 
drained  by  four  rivers  whose  basins  occupy  almost 

18 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


the  entire  province.  The  people  have  an  evil  repu- 
tation for  roughness  and  turbulence. 

The  province  of  Kiangsi,  south  of  Anhwei  and 
' Hupei,  is  bounded  by  Hunan  on  the  west,  Kwang- 
tuns:  on  the  south,  and  Fukien  on  the  east.  Its 
area  is  68,000  square  miles,  and  its  population  num- 
bers 26,000,000.  The  country  is  hilly  and  well 
watered,  much  of  it  being  marsh-land.  Its  soil  is 
generally  productive,  and  the  inhabitants,  like  those 
of  the  coast  provinces,  engage  to  a considerable  ex- 
tent in  manufactures. 

Of  the  islands  belonging  to  China,  two  may  be 
briefly  mentioned.  Hainan  is  about  1 50  miles 
long  by  100  broad.  The  interior  of  the  island  is 
mountainous  and  well  wooded.  The  inhabitants, 
said  to  be  racially  the  same  as  the  mountaineers  in 
Kweichau,  have  only  partially  submitted  to  the  Chi- 
nese. Kiungchau  fu,  the  prefectural  town,  lies  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Himu  River;  but  the  port  is  Hoihau, 
where  the  entrance  is  so  shallow  that  trade  centres 
at  Pakhoi,  the  nearest  treaty  port  on  the  mainland. 

Chusan  is  of  particular  interest  to  England,  hav- 
ing been  occupied  several  times  by  a British  force. 
It  was  captured  first  in  1840  and  again  in  1842, 
when  it  was  held  till  1846  as  a guarantee  for  the 
fulfilment  of  the  treaty  with  China,  until  the  full 
payment  of  the  indemnity  had  been  made  by  the 
Chinese  Government  according  to  the  provisions  of 
the  Treaty  of  Nanking.  It  was  again  occupied  in 
the  war  of  i860.  The  length  of  the  island,  which 
was  incorporated  with  China  in  the  seventh  cen- 

19 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tury,  is  20  miles,  and  its  greatest  breadth  6,  its  cir- 
cumference being  51I.  Tinghai,  the  capital,  sit- 
uated half  a mile  from  the  shore,  is  surrounded  by 
a wall  three  miles  in  extent.  The  harbor  is  well 
landlocked,  the  water  varying  from  four  to  eight 
fathoms,  but  strong  currents  run  at  nine  knots  an 
hour,  and  there  is  no  secure  holding  ground.  The 
population  of  the  island  is  about  200,000. 

Of  the  two  chief  features  of  northern  China — the 
mountainous  region  and  the  Great  Plain — the  latter 
is  economically  by  far  the  more  important,  and  is 
the  richest  part  of  China.  The  Plain  extends  some 
700  miles  from  the  Great  Wall  and  mountain  ranges 
north  of  Peking,  to  the  junction  of  the  Poyang 
Lake  with  the  Yangtsze  River.  Of  varying  breadth, 
in  its  northern  part,  next  Shantung  and  Shansi, 
it  has  an  average  of  200  miles ; farther  south  it  is, 
roughly,  300  miles  broad ; and  again,  in  its  southern 
section,  next  to  the  Yangtsze  basin,  it  is  as  much  as 
400  miles  in  width,  stretching  from  the  seaboard 
inland.  The  northern  section  of  the  Plain  is  partly 
a deposit  of  loess,  being  alluvial  elsewhere,  and  the 
region  of  Kiangsu  is  low  and  liable  to  inundation, 
with  frequent  lakes,  the  whole  covered  with  a net- 
work of  watercourses.  The  population  supported 
on  this  plain  is  colossal,  according  to  the  census 
of  1812  no  fewer  than  177,000,000,  probably  the 
most  densely  populated  section  of  the  whole  world’s 
surface. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  physical  aspect, 
the  loess  formation  peculiar  to  the  northern  prov- 


20 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


inces  must  be  mentioned.  Loess  is  a solid  but 
friable  earth,  of  brownish  - yellow  color,  differing 
from  loam  by  its  highly  porous  and  tubular  struct- 
ure. It  is  found  in  most  of  the  northern  provinces, 
disappearing  gradually  towards  the  lower  Yangtsze, 
thoutrh  remnants  are  found  in  the  lakes  south  of 

O 

that  river.  No  trace  of  it  is  found  in  Szechuan. 
How  far  it  extends  into  Central  Asia  is  as  yet  un- 
known. With  the  loess,  called  hwang-tu  by  the 
Chinese,  are  bound  up  the  distinguishing  features 
of  interior  China,  not  merely  in  regard  to  scenery, 
but  agricultural  products,  dwellings,  and  means  of 
transport.  The  loess  spreads  over  high  and  low 
ground  alike,  smoothing  the  irregularities,  and 
having  often  a thickness  of  as  much  as  looo  feet. 
Its  peculiar  feature  is  its  vertical  cleavage  and 
sudden  crevices,  which  are  narrow,  of  vast  depth, 
and  greatly  ramified.  No  scenery  presents  smoother, 
gentler,  and  more  monotonous  outlines  than  a loess 
basin  if  overlooked  from  some  high  point  of  view, 
yet,  once  the  traced  roads  are  left,  it  is  impassable 
even  on  foot,  and  the  strayed  traveller  finds  himself 
in  a labyrinth  of  vertical  walls,  irretrievably  lost. 
It  is  thus  one  of  the  most  difficult  countries  in  the 
world  for  either  military  or  engineering  purposes. 
In  the  loess  region  the  people  dwell  mainly  in  caves. 
Agriculture  in  northern  China  has  been  aptly  said 
to  be  confined  to  the  alluvial  plains  and  the  loess, 
in  southern  China  to  the  alluvial  plains  and  the 
terraced  hill -sides.  Richthofen  has  s:iven  to  the 
north  and  south  the  names  of  Loess  and  Non- Loess 

2 I 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


AUaviuiu.  Veiiow  Red  Alluvium.  Palaeozoic.  Metamorphic.  Volcanic-  Carboniferous 


300  MUes. 


LOESS  FORMATION  THROUGHOUT  NORTH  CHINA 


China — no  mere  pedantic  terms,  for  they  accurately 
describe  the  two  resfions. 

O 

It  is  a curious  fact  that,  excepting  in  the  loess  re- 
gions, the  Chinese  are  able  to  cultivate  only  a cer- 
tain portion  of  the  soil,  bearing  a direct  ratio  to  the 
quantity  of  manure  they  are  able  to  supply,  and  to 
the  density  of  population,  as  proved  by  the  slow  rate 


22 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


at  which  certain  districts,  left  uncultivated  in  conse- 
quence of  depopulation  caused  by  the  Taiping  reb- 
els, have  been  regained  to  agriculture. 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  varied  character 
of  the  country,  comprising  wild  mountainous  tracts, 
table -lands,  the  loess  and  non -loess  regions,  and 
alluvial  plains,  the  products  vary  greatly,  as  do  the 
people  and  their  language.  From  north  to  south, 
from  east  to  west,  the  races,  although  now  for  the 
most  part  welded  into  one  people,  are  distinguish- 
able ; and  although  there  is  one  written  language 
and  one  ofificial  dialect,  commonly  known  as  the 
“ Peking  dialect,”  obtaining  among  the  educated 
classes  everywhere,  still  the  number  of  patois  is 
great,  and  in  the  southwest  and  south  the  aboriginal 
tribes  retain  their  languages. 

The  ancient  Chinese,  who  introduced  civilization 
and  subdued  the  aboriginal  tribes,  entered  China 
from  the  northwest,  following  the  course  of  the 
Hoang  ho.  The  valley  of  the  Yangtsze  and  the 
whole  region  to  the  south  continued  up  to  the 
Christian  era  to  be  the  abode  of  savage  tribes,  which 
were  gradually  and  indeed  only  partially  absorbed 
and  assimilated.  The  aborigines,  who  were  driven 
south  as  the  Chinese  moved  forward,  are  still  found 
on  the  islands  of  Formosa  and  Hainan,  and  on  the 
mainland  in  Kweichau,  Szechuan,  Yunnan,  Kwang- 
tung,  and  Kwangsi,  and  are  some  millions  in  num- 
ber. They  are  divided  by  the  Chinese  into  a multi- 
tude of  tribes,  but  there  are  really  only  three  races 
— the  Lolo,  the  Miao,  and  the  Pai  or  Shan.  They 


23 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


are  warlike,  and  hold  their  own  against  the  Chi- 
nese. 

There  is  probably  no  family  of  the  human  race, 
certainly  none  with  such  claims  to  consideration,  of 
which  so  little  is  known  as  these  aboriginal  peoples 
of  southern  China,  a fact  doubtless  largely  due  to 
the  maze  of  senseless  names  given  to  the  tribes  by 
the  Chinese.  Bourne  made  twenty-two  vocabularies, 
with  the  result,  however,  that,  exclusive  of  the  Tib- 
etans (including  Sifan  and  Kutsung),  it  is  clear 
there  are  but  three  great  non-Chinese  races  in  south- 
ern China — the  Lolo,  the  Shan,  and  the  Miao-tzu.* 

The  Shans  are  not  met  northeast  of  Yunnan 
fu,  but  are  found  at  the  lower  levels  all  along  the 
south  Yunnan  border,  and  from  Kwangnan  fu  to 
the  border  of  Kweichau  they  form  almost  the  whole 
population.  They  must  have  been  masters  of 
Kwangsi  before  the  Chinese.!  It  appears  likely 
that  the  Shans  mainly  reached  Kwangsi  across  the 

* “ Where  the  Lolo  came  from  is  not  yet  known,”  says  Bourne, 
‘‘but  of  their  present  habitat  it  is  possible  to  get  an  idea.  In  the 
great  bend  of  the  Yangtsze  (103°  east  longitude),  between  that  river 
and  the  An-ning  River,  the  Lolo  are  at  home ; there  they  live  inde- 
pendent of  China,  under  their  own  tribal  chiefs  and  aristocracy — 
the  ‘black  bones’  of  Mr.  Baber’s  fascinating  description.  Thence 
they  e.xtend  in  a scattered  manner  as  far  north  as  Wen-ch'uan 
Hsien.  . . . To  the  west  they  extend  to  the  Mekong:  to  the  south 
they  are  found  occupying  here  and  there  the  higher  ground,  until 
the  plateau  breaks  into  the  plain  ; to  the  east  they  are  found  as  far 
as  Kuei-yang-Fu.  They  seem  to  be  more  numerous  as  Taliang  Shan, 
their  present  home,  is  approached,  and  they  form  much  the  largest 
part  of  the  population  in  northeastern  Yunnan  and  northwestern 
Kueichau.” — China,  No.  i.  1888. 

t “The  Yamen  at  Nanning  and  the  Examination-hall  at  Kueilin 

24 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


Yunnan  plateau;  those  in  southern  Kwelchau,  how- 
ever, are  undoubtedly  immigrants  from  Kwangsi, 
and  did  not  cross  Yunnan. 

The  Li,  the  aborigines  of  Hainan,  are,  like  those 
of  southwest  China,  known  as  “ wild  ” and  “ civil- 
ized,” and  are  usually  in  a state  of  chronic  rebellion, 
just  as  the  Formosan  aborigines  always  have  been. 
It  is  usually  assumed  that  they  originally  came  from 
the  Malay  Peninsula,  as  their  features,  dress,  and 
habits  indicate  a certain  affinity  with  the  Malays. 

The  proportion  of  Mohammedans  in  the  popula- 
tion of  China  is  large.  Even  in  Peking  there  are 
said  to  be  as  many  as  twenty  thousand  Mohamme- 
dan families,  and  in  Paoting  fu,  the  capital  of  the 
province,  there  are  one  thousand  followers  of  the 
Prophet.  The  Mohammedan  communities  are  prob- 
ably chiefly  due  to  the  gradual  infiltration  from 
Turkestan.  Repeated  massacres  have  not  served 
to  arrest  their  growth.  And  while  Christianity,  an 
e.xotic,  seems  to  be  waning,  the  change  of  religion 
gives  to  the  Chinese  convert  of  Islam  the  qualities 
he  lacks — namely,  independence,  courage,  and  devo- 
tion. Their  principal  colonies  are  in  Yunnan  and 
the  three  provinces  of  the  northwest,  those  of  the 
former  being  known  as  Pantais  or  Panthays,  of  the 
latter  as  Dunganis.  During  the  period  of  disturb- 
ance succeeding  the  Taiping  rebellion,  the  Mo- 
hammedans in  both  regions  threw  off  the  yoke  of 
China,  but  having  no  co  - operation,  their  risings 

are  said  to  have  been  built  upon  the  site  of  Shan  palaces. — Bourne, 
China,  No.  i.  1888. 


25 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


were  suppressed  after  a long  and  desolating  con- 
flict. The  Moslem  population  is  much  larger  than 
usually  supposed,  notwithstanding  the  numerous 
rebellions  and  the  devastation  of  larsfe  regions,  and 
probably  is  from  twenty -five  to  thirty  millions. 
From  their  numbers  and  character  they  form  an 
important  factor  as  regards  the  future  of  China. 
In  appearance  little  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
ordinary  Chinese,  pledged  to  abstention  from  in- 
toxicating drinks  and  opium,  and  united  for  the 
purpose  of  self-defence,  they  are  really  superior  to 
them.  The  religion  of  the  Chinese  Mohammedans 
is  lax,  and  they  are  said  to  closely  resemble  their  co- 
religionists in  Kashgaria,  who  are  so  tolerant  that 
they  do  not  scruple  to  give  their  daughters  in  mar- 
riage to  the  non  - Mohammedan  Chinese.  The  old 
Moslem  spirit,  that  of  the  sword,  asserts  itself,  how- 
ever, from  time  to  time,  when  those  who  will  not 
embrace  the  Faith  are  slaughtered  wholesale. 

The  climate  presents  many  varieties  of  the  tem- 
perate, and  even  of  the  frigid  and  torrid  zones. 
The  northern  provinces  have  winters  like  those  of 
Siberia,  while  the  heat  of  Canton  is  equal  to  that  of 
Hindostan.  Between  these  two  extremes  is  found 
every  variation  of  temperature  and  climate.  Dur- 
ing the  months  of  December,  January,  and  Feb- 
ruary the  rivers  debouching  in  the  Gulf  of  Pechili 
are  frozen  up,  and  even  the  gulf  itself  is  fringed 
with  a broad  border  of  ice.* 

* A landing  can  usually  be  effected  at  Shanhaikwan  during 
winter-time;  the  writer  landed  there  last  year  in  midwinter. 

26 


THE  GEOGRAPHICAL  QUESTION 


The  plain  - dwellers  of  China  consider  the  high- 
land provinces,  especially  the  three  southwestern 
ones — namely,  Kwangtung,  Kwangsi,  and  Yunnan 
— to  be  extremely  unhealthy,  a reputation  in  great 
part  due  to  mere  prejudice,  which  probably  arose 
from  these  provinces  being  remote,  cut-off  regions, 
whither  criminals  and  political  offenders  were  trans- 
ported. The  highlanders,  on  their  part,  it  is  to  be 
noted,  look  upon  the  plains  as  far  from  healthy. 
The  central  regions  are,  perhaps,  the  healthiest — 
not  so  subject  to  cold  as  the  northern  and  western 
districts,  nor  so  liable  to  changes  as  along  the 
seaboard. 


CHAPTER  II 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

The  subject  of  the  earlier  foreign  relations  with 
China  can  only  be  dealt  with  here  in  the  briefest 
manner  possible  — merely  so  far  as  to  enable  the 
reader  to  understand  the  later  relations  between 
China  and  the  outer  world.  Those  readers  who 
may  be  anxious  to  acquire  some  further  knowledge 
of  this  interesting  subject  will  find  in  the  works  of 
the  Jesuit  Fathers,  of  Davis,  Yule,*  Richthofen,  and 
other  writers,  a large  fund  of  information. 

At  eras  far  apart,  China  has  been  distinguished 
by  different  appellations,  says  Yule,  “ according  as 

* Vule  divides  his  notes  on  the  intercourse  of  China  and  Western 
nations  as  follows: 

I.  Earliest  Traces  of  Intercourse.  Greek  and  Roman  knowl- 
edge of  China. 

II.  Chinese  knowledge  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

III.  Communication  with  India. 

IV.  Intercourse  with  the  Arabs. 

Intercourse  with  .Armenia  and  Persia,  etc. 

VI.  Nestorian  Christianity  in  China. 

VII.  Literary  information  regarding  China  previous  to  the 
Mongol  era. 

VIII.  China  under  the  Mongol  Dynasty,  known  as  Cathay. 

IX.  Cathay  passing  into  China.  Conclusion. 

Supplementary  Notes. — V'ule,  Cathay,  i.,  pp.  x.xxiii.-ccliii. 

28 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


it  was  regarded  as  the  terminus  of  a southern  sea 
route  coasting  the  great  peninsula  and  islands  of 
Asia,  or  as  that  of  a northern  land  traversing  the 
longitude  of  that  continent.  In  the  former  aspect, 
the  name  applied  has  nearly  always  been  some  form 
of  the  name  Sin,  Chin,  Sinm,  China.  In  the  latter 
point  of  view  the  region  in  question  was  known  to 
the  ancients  as  the  land  of  Seres ; to  the  Middle 
Ages  as  the  empire  of  Cathay.”* 

Besides  Ptolemy,  Pliny  has  notices  of  the  Seres, 
whose  country  he  places  upon  the  eastern  ocean 
of  the  e.xtremity  of  Asia.  The  inform.ation  con- 
tained in  these  two  authors  was  all  that  was  avail- 
able down  to  the  time  of  Justinian,  and  though  the 
account  given  by  them  was  not  of  a very  compre- 
hensive character,  their  description  of  the  Chinese 
of  that  time  is,  as  Yule  remarks,  applicable  to-day. 
The  old  reputation  of  the  Seres  for  honesty  is  fre- 
quently referred  to  by  Yule;  “Indeed,  Marco’s 
whole  account  of  the  people  here  (in  Kinsay)  might 
pass  for  an  extended  paraphrase  of  the  Latin  com- 


* “ The  region  of  the  Seres  is  a vast  and  populous  country,  touch- 
ing on  the  east  the  ocean  and  the  limits  of  the  habitable  world ; 
and  extending  west  nearly  to  Imaus  and  the  confines  of  Bactria. 
The  people  are  civilized  men,  of  mild,  just,  and  frugal  temper; 
eschewing  collisions  with  their  neighbors,  and  even  shy  of  close  in- 
tercourse, but  not  averse  to  dispose  of  their  own  products,  of  which 
raw  silk  is  the  staple,  but  which  include  also  silk  stuffs,  furs,  and 
iron  of  remarkable  quality.  It  seems  probable  that  relations  ex- 
isted from  the  earliest  times  between  China  and  India,  and  possibly, 
too,  between  China  and  Chaldaea.  The  ‘Sinim’  of  the  Prophet 
Isaiah  is  by  many  taken  to  mean  China,  and  Ptolemy’s  ‘ Sinse  ’ are 
generally  understood  to  have  been  the  Chinese.” — Yule,  Cathay. 

29 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


monplaces  regarding  the  Seres.”  The  reputation  of 
the  Chinese  for  integrity  and  justice,  in  spite  of  much 
that  has  been  said  against  it,  must  liave  had  some 
solid  foundation,  he  truly  says,  for  it  has  prevailed  to 
our  own  day  among  their  neighbors  in  various  parts 
of  Asia  which  are  quite  remote  from  one  another. 
The  early  Chinese  writings  make  frequent  men- 
tion of  trade  relations  with  a land  called  Tatsin- 
Kwoh,  believed  to  have  been  the  Roman  Empire, 
and  emissaries  passed  between  Rome  and  China. 
The  traffic  in  the  rich  productions  of  China  and 
India  was  the  chief  stimulus  to  trade  adventure, 
and  the  gradual  springing  up  of  this  commerce 
led  to  the  Nestorian  missionaries  penetrating  those 
regions,  which  they  did  from  Persia  in  the  seventh 
century,  seemingly  through  the  northwestern  region 
of  China.  These  Nestorians  disappeared  from  the 
face  of  history,  leaving  no  trace  but  that  of  a stone, 
the  famous  tablet  of  a.d.  781,  which  till  lately  was 
to  be  found  in  the  yard  of  a temple  at  Sian  fu. 
This  monument,  excavated  in  1625,  which  is  held 
to  have  attested  the  ancient  propagation  of  Chris- 
tianity in  China,  was  inscribed  partly  in  Chinese 
and  partly  in  Syriac.  The  story  that  a holy  man 
named  Olopuen  went  from  the  country  of  Tatsin 
to  China  in  the  year  636  of  our  era,  and  that  he 
was  well  received  by  the  Emperor,  who  caused  a 
Christian  church  to  be  built,  is  wrongly  treated  by 
Voltaire  as  the  merest  fiction.  “ II  y a assez  de 
verites  historiques,”  he  says,  “ sans  y mffier  ces  ab- 
surdes  mensonges.” 


30 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


In  the  ninth  century  China  was  visited  by  two 
Arabs.*  The  travels  of  Buddhist  pilgrims  from 
China  to  India,  notably  those  of  Fahian  (399-404), 
of  Hiuen-tsang  (628-645),  and  Hwui-sing  (518), 
contain  much  information  regarding  the  peoples  of 
Central  and  Western  Asia,  and  it  is  possible  that 
further  records  may  yet  be  found  in  the  convent 
libraries  of  Tibet,  especially  of  Lhassa.  The  of- 
ficial histories  from  b.c.  300  to  a.d.  900  give  useful 
information  regarding  Syria  and  Persia,  Greece  and 
Parthia;  but,  as  Yule  remarks,  the  information  is 
fragmentary,  the  position  of  places  uncertain,  and  the 
generalization  from  mere  outlying  borders  both  in- 
correct and  unwarranted.  A few  embassies  are 
noted  by  Pauthier,  up  to  the  year  1091,  and  the 
Russian  Bretschneider  has  established  that  the  vis- 
its of  the  Arabs  were  frequent  down  to  the  Sung 
and  Tang  dynasties.  He  gives  much  interesting  in- 
formation regarding  the  Chinese  mediaeval  travellers 
to  Western  countries  between  a.d.  1220  and  1260. 

The  F'ranciscan  monks  sent  on  missions  to  the 
Great  Khan  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 


* “ Abu  Zaid  (one  of  the  Arabs),  like  his  predecessor,”  says  Yule, 
“ dwells  upon  the  orderly  and  upright  administration  of  China  while 
in  its  normal  state.  This,  indeed,  seems  to  have  made  a strong 
impression  at  all  times  on  the  other  nations  of  Asia,  and  we  trace 
this  impression  in  almost  every  account  that  has  reached  us  from 
Theophylactus  downward  ; while  it  is  also  probably  the  kernel  of 
those  praises  of  the  justice  of  the  Seres  which  extend  back  some 
centuries  further  into  antiquity.  And  the  Jesuit  historian,  Jarric, 
thinks  that  ‘ if  Plato  were  to  rise  from  Hades  he  would  declare  that 
his  imagined  Republic  was  realized  in  China,’  ” 

31 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tury  were  the  first  to  bring  to  Western  Europe  the 
revived  knowledge  of  a great  and  civilized  nation 
lying  to  the  extreme  east,  upon  the  shores  of  the 
ocean;  and  a Franciscan  monk  was  made  Archbish- 
op in  Khanbalig  (Peking),  and  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith  spread.  Friar  Odoric  niade  his  way  to  Cathay 
at  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth  centurv,  and 
from  Zayton  journeyed  northward  to  Peking,  where 
he  found  the  aged  Archbishop  Corvino  and  remain- 
ed some  three  years.  The  journey  homeward  was 
through  Lhassa,  and  probably  by  a route  via  Cabul 
and  Tabriz  to  Europe,  ending  at  Venice  in  1330. 
Many  now  well-known  characteristics  of  the  Chinese, 
unknown  or  unnoticed  by  other  travellers  of  his 
time,  are  given  by  Odoric.*  Ibn  Batuta,  the  Moor, 
travelled  in  China  about  1347.  The  Far  East  was 
frequently  reached  by  European  traders  in  the  first 
half  of  the  fourteenth  century,  “ a state  of  things,” 
says  Yule,  “ difficult  to  realize  when  we  see  how  all 
those  regions,  when  reopened  only  two  centuries 
later,  seemed  almost  as  absolutely  new  discoveries 
as  the  empires  which  about  the  same  time  Cortes 
and  Pizarro  were  annexing  in  the  West.”  Euro- 


* “ His  notices  of  the  custom  of  fishing  with  cormorants,”  says 
Vule,  “of  the  habits  of  letting  the  finger-nails  grow  long,  and  of 
compressing  the  women’s  feet,  as  well  as  of  the  divisions  of  the 
Khan’s  Empire  into  twelve  provinces,  with  four  chief  viziers,  are 
peculiar  to  him,  I believe,  among  all  the  European  travellers  of  the 
age.  Polo  mentions  none  of  them.  The  names  which  he  assigns 
to  the  Chinese  post-stations,  and  to  the  provincial  Boards  of  Ad- 
ministration, the  technical  Turki  term  which  he  uses  for  a sack  of 
rice,  etc.,  are  all  tokens  of  the  reality  of  his  experience.” 

32 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


pean  missions  and  merchants  were  no  longer  to  be 
found  in  China  after  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  when  the  Mongol  dynasty  was  tottering 
before  its  fall.  The  voyage  of  Nicolo  di  Conti,  the 
Venetian,  who  travelled  “quite  through  India”  and 
after  twenty-five  years  returned  home,  is  considered 
apocryphal.  Having  made  denial  of  his  faith  to 
save  his  life,  he  had  to  seek  absolution  of  the  Pope 
in  1444.  Much  information  is  given  by  Mayers 
regarding  Chinese  explorations  of  the  Indian  Ocean 
during  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  existence  of  a Jewish  colony  in  China  was 
discovered  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  if  not  even  earlier;  Kaifung,  some  four 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  southwest  of  Peking,  being 
the  headquarters  of  this  colony.  When  Martin  vis- 
ited the  place  in  1866,  he  found  the  synagogue,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  built  in  1 164,  in  ruins  ; the  Jews 
had  dispersed,  some  having  become  Mohammedans, 
and  not  one  being  able  to  speak  a word  of  tlebrew. 
In  1850  certain  Hebraic  rolls  were  recovered  from 
the  few  remaining  descendants  of  former  Jews,  but 
little  really  seems  to  be  known  regarding  this  Jewish 
colony,  and  the  chief  information  on  record  is  found 
in  a memorandum  on  the  subject  in  the  Lettres  edi- 
Jiantes. 

There  is  no  need  to  deal  at  length  with  the  won- 
derful journeys  accomplished  by  Marco  Polo,  who 
visited  the  Court  of  Kublai  Khan  in  1274.  The 
Venetian,  as  is  well  known,  became  a favorite  with 
the  Emperor,  and  spent,  in  all,  some  twenty -one 
c 33 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


years  in  the  East,  returning  to  Venice  in  1295. 
In  his  edition  of  Marco  Polo,  Yule  has  given  to  the 
world  the  most  erudite,  and  also  the  most  charm- 
ing, annotation  of  the  great  Venetian  traveller’s  life- 
work.  On  nearing  the  provinces  of  Cathay,  Marco 
Polo  passed  through  towns  containing  Nestorian 
Christians,  who  were  met  with  again  in  Yunnan 
and  other  parts  of  the  Empire. 

In  1644  the  Manchus  completed  their  conquest  of 
China.  In  1627,  while  in  possession  merely  of  Liao- 
tung, an  edict  was  issued  compelling  their  Chinese 
subjects,  under  penalty  of  death,  to  adopt  their  mode 
of  wearing  the  hair,  as  a sign  of  allegiance,  and  it  is 
the  custom  thus  compulsorily  established  that  has 
become  the  fashion  now  held  in  such  esteem  by  the 
Chinese.  It  was  not  only  this  custom  of  the  coiffure 
which  was  introduced  by  the  Manchus.  The  gen- 
eral opinion  prevalent  in  the  West  is  that  the  ex- 
clusive and  anti-foreign  feeling  now  met  with  in 
China  is  something  peculiar  to  the  Chinese  charac- 
ter and  dating  from  remote  antiquity.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  it  was  the  conquering  race,  the  Man- 
chus, who  forced  this  spirit  upon  the  Chinese  people, 
which  led  to  the  attempt,  so  long  maintained,  to  her- 
metically seal  the  Empire  against  the  intrusion  of 
the  foreigner.  Erom  the  brief  summary  already 
given  it  will  have  been  seen  that  before  the  advent 
of  the  Manchus  China  maintained  constant  relations 
with  the  countries  of  Asia ; traders  from  Arabia, 
Persia,  and  India  trafficked  in  Chinese  ports  and 
passed  into  the  interior.  The  tablet  of  Sian  fu,  al- 

34 


1-'  O R E I G N RELATIONS 


ready  mentioned,  shows  that  missionaries  from  the 
West  were  propagating  the  Christian  religion  in  the 
eighth  century ; in  the  thirteenth  Marco  Polo  not 
only  was  cordially  received,  but  held  oflfice  in  the 
Empire,  and  at  that  time  the  Christian  religious 
ceremonies  were  tolerated  at  Peking,  where  there 
was  an  Archbishop.  To  the  close  of  the  last  Chi- 
nese dynasty  the  Jesuit  missionaries  were  well  re- 
ceived and  treated  at  the  capital,  and,  as  Hue  re- 
marks, the  first  Tartar  Emperors  merely  tolerated 
what  they  found  existing.  This  would  seem  to  show 
conclusively  that  the  Chinese  did  not  originally  have 
the  aversion  to  foreigners  which  is  usually  assumed. 
The  explanation  given  by  Hue  that  it  was  the  Man-  ^ 
chu  policy — that  of  a small  number  of  nomad  con- 
querors holding  in  subjection  the  vast  population — 
to  preserve  China  for  themselves,  seems  reasonable ; 
and  Hue  rightly  shows  that  this  very  policy,  which 
served  to  establish  the  Manchu  power,  would  event- 
ually lead  to  its  destruction.* 


* “ The  Mantchoos,  it  is  evident,  were,  on  account  of  the  small- 
ness of  their  numbers  in  the  midst  of  this  vast  empire,  compelled  to 
adopt  stringent  measures  to  preserve  their  conquest.  For  fear  that 
foreigners  should  be  tempted  to  snatch  their  prey  from  them,  they 
have  carefully  closed  the  ports  of  China  against  them,  thinking  thus 
to  secure  themselves  from  ambitious  attempts  from  without ; and  in 
the  interior  of  the  empire  they  have  sought  to  keep  their  enemies 
divided  by  their  system  of  rapid  and  constant  change  of  public  offi- 
cers. These  two  methods  have  been  crowned  with  success  up  to 
the  present  time ; and  it  is  really  an  astonishing  fact,  and  one,  per- 
haps, not  sufficiently  considered,  that  a mere  handful  of  nomads 
should  have  been  able  to  exercise,  for  more  than  two  hundred  years, 
a peaceable  and  absolute  dominion  over  the  vastest  empire  in  the 

35 


CHINA  IN  TRANS  FOR  AIATION 


The  history  of  Russian  intercourse  with  China 
may  here  be  briefly  recited. 

The  first  record  of  Russians  appearing  at  Peking 
is  that  of  two  Cossacks  who  made  their  way  there 
in  1567,  and  fifty  years  later  another  Russian 
reached  the  capital,  both  visits  being  without  any 
result.  About  the  year  1643,  at  a time  when  the 
Manchus  were  engaged  with  the  war  which  ulti- 
mately made  them  masters  of  China,  then  in  the 
throes  of  rebellion,  the  commanders  of  the  Russian 
settlements  north  of  the  Amur  valley  commenced 
e.xploring  e.xpeditions,  regarded  as  hostile  excur- 
sions by  the  Chinese.  In  1649  Chaboroff  made 
an  incursion.  The  Tsar  Alexis  sent  an  envoy  in 
1653,  who  refused  to  perform  the  act  of  obeisance, 
and  was  dismissed;  and  Stepanoff  in  1655  made  an 
incursion  into  Chinese  territory.  But,  shortly  after, 
the  Manchu-Chinese  army,  inured  to  warfare  by  the 
campaigns  in  China,  defeated  the  Russian  troops, 
which  were  then  numerically  weak.  In  the  years 
1658,  1672,  and  1677  three  trading  caravans  reached 
Peking,  and  disputes  between  the  Russian  and 
Chinese  soldiers  and  settlers  along  the  banks  of 
the  Amur  became  frequent,  and  hostilities  for  the 
possession  of  the  river  were  maintained  in  a very 

world,  and  over  a population  which,  whatever  may  be  the  common 
opinion  respecting  them,  are  really  e.xtremely  stirring  and  fond  of 
change.  A policy  at  the  same  time  adroit,  supple,  and  vigorous 
could  alone  have  obtained  a similar  result;  but  there  is  every  rea- 
son to  think  that  the  methods  which  once  contributed  to  establish 
the  power  of  the  Mantchoo  Tartars  will  ultimately  tend  to  over- 
throw it.” — The  Chinese  Empire,  Hue. 

36 


I ' O R E I G N RELATIONS 


desultory  manner.  After  a five  years’  war,  China 
imposed  peace  upon  Russia  by  the  Treaty  of 
Nerchinsk,  in  1689,  when  a frontier  between  China 
and  Russian  Siberia  was  agreed  on,  by  which  the 


Arthur  ^ 
-haiwBi 


MAP  SHOWING  ADVANCE  OF  RUSSIA,  TO  THE  DETRIMENT  OF  CHINA 

whole  of  the  Amur  valley  was  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  Chinese  Emperor  Kanghi,  Russia  retain- 
ing merely  one  bank  of  a portion  of  the  Argun 
River,  an  upper  affluent  of  the  Amur.  The  fron- 
tier thus  decided  upon  was  watched  continually,  the 

37 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Chinese  commander  at  each  frontier  post  having  to 
inspect  daily  the  posts  on  the  line  of  demarcation. 
“Only  in  this  manner,”  says  Plath,  “could  the 
frontier  be  kept  for  a hundred  years  against  the 
Russians.  Across  the  rivers  horse-hair  ropes  were 
drawn  for  the  same  purpose.”  The  Tsar  sent  a 
Russian  embassy,  in  1692,  under  Eberhard  Ysbrand 
Ides,  to  Peking.  In  1715  a considerable  number 
of  Russians,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the 
Chinese,  were  permitted  tu  settle  at  Peking,  and 
four  years  later  Peter  the  Great  sent  Ismailoff  to 
arrange  regarding  trade.  In  1727*  the  frontier 
was  again  demarcated,  leaving  the  eastern  boundary 
as  it  then  was,  but  rectifying  that  lying  westward  from 
the  Argun,  and  this  arrangement  remained  unaltered 
till  the  middle  of  the  present  century.  The  Russians 
were  allowed  to  erect  a church  and  school  at  Pekins: 
in  1727,  which  developed  into  a permanent  mission. 
The  early  diaries  of  De  Lange,t  who  accompanied 

* “ Commencino;  with  our  Embassy  to  China  in  the  year  1653, 
down  to  the  recent  refusal  on  the  part  of  that  Power  to  ratify  the 
Treaty  of  Livadia,  all  our  relations  with  the  Middle  Empire  have 
been  based  on  the  much-vaunted  friendship  of  two  hundred  years’ 
duration  ; in  reality,  however,  on  a two-hundred-year-old  policy  of 
subserviency  and  sycophancy  towards  her.  The  only  consolatory 
e.xceptions  during  all  this  long  period  are  the  energetic  action  of 
Count  Raguzinsky,  who  in  1727  concluded  the  treaty  which  laid  the 
foundation  of  our  Kiakhta  trade;  and  those  similar  actions  in  the 
latter  portion  of  the  present  century  on  the  part  of  Counts  MuraviefT 
and  IgnatiefT,  by  which  we  obtained  the  Amur  country.” — Prje- 
VALSKI. 

t “ De  Lange  accompanied  Ismailoff,  captain  of  the  Tsar’s  guards 
and  envoy  extraordinary,  to  Kanghi,  to  clear  the  difficulties  regard- 
ing trade.  Lange  remained  in  Peking  until  1722,  when  Ismailoff 

38 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


Ismailoff  to  Peking,  throw  light  on  the  first  relations 
of  the  Russians.  It  was  under  the  1727  treaty  that 
a caravan  was  allowed  to  make  its  way  to  Peking 
every  three  years.  It  appears,  however,  that  these 
caravans  met  with  so  little  success  that,  though  in 
the  first  twenty  years  six  journeys  were  made,  they 
became  afterwards  less  frequent.  In  1858  Muravieff 
obtained  for  Russia  a large  territory,  the  Amur  Prov- 
ince, and  General  Ignatieff,  in  i860,  by  a dexterous 
use  of  the  victory  of  the  Anglo-French  troops  at 
Peking,  with  a stroke  of  the  pen  transferred  to 
Russia  the  whole  coast  of  Manchu  - Tartary,  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Amur  River  to  the  frontier  of 
Corea. 

The  Russian  overland  expansion  in  Asia  began, 
therefore,  at  an  early  date,  though  actively  prose- 
cuted only  in  the  last  forty  or  fifty  years.  But  the 
Russians,  though  they  moved  chiefly  by  land,  also 
navigated  the  Polar  seas  and  the  Siberian  rivers. 
Like  other  nations,  they,  too,  sought  for  Cathay  and 
Zipangu. 

The  process  of  land  expansion  by  means  of  settle- 
ments— “Stanitzas”*  as  the  Russians  call  them — 

left.  After  the  frontiers  had  been  fixed  by  the  Treaty  of  1726 
Lange  was  again  sent  to  China  with  a large  caravan,  and,  on  his  re- 
turn, was  made  a councillor  of  Chancellory.  In  1736  he  paid  one 
more  visit  to  Peking,  and  on  his  return  was  made  Vice-Governor 
of  Irkutsk.” — Biographic  Universelle. 

The  travels  of  John  Bell,  of  Antermony,  contain,  inter  alia,  part 
of  a journey  through  Siberia  to  Peking,  in  the  years  1719,  1720, 
1721,  with  a map  of  the  author’s  two  routes  between  Moscow  and 
Peking,  and  a translation  of  the  journal  of  De  Lange. 

'■  A fort  is  like  a stone  cast  upon  the  field,”  says  the  Circassian 

39 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


differs  widely  from  the  over-sea  colonial  system  or 
expansion  of  the  Western  maritime  Powers.  The 
advantages  possessed  by  Russia  are  apparent. 


n 

Uninhabited.  Under  2,  2 to  18.  18to36.  36  to  72.  72  to  144.  144  to  288.  288  and 

upwuds. 


THE  DENSITY  OF  POPULATION  IN  ASIA 


Given  ambitious  rulers,  great  poverty  of  the  mother- 
country,  an  idea  to  follow,  and,  as  an  objective. 


simile:  “rain  and  wind  may  carry  it  away,  or  cover  it  with  earth  ; 
but  a Stanitza  resembles  a plant,  which,  firmly  rooted  in  the  soil, 
gradually  spreads  over  the  whole  field.” 

40 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


the  wealth  of  Far  Cathay,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
Russian  expansion  should  be  restless,  active,  and 
persistent.  Neither  the  Tsar,  nor  the  officials,  nor 


Caucasians.  Eskimo.  Africans.  Malays.  Papuans. 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  RACES 

even  the  people  are  enthusiastic  about  any  Western 
foreigners.  The  party  which  derides  the  “decay- 
ing West  ” fosters  national  chauvinism,  and  despises 


41 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


foreign  nationalities,  has  for  the  present  the  upper 
hand,  and  believes,  as  do  also  the  lower  classes, 
that  the  Russians  are  the  chosen  people.  Aspiring 
in  Europe  to  the  conquest  of  Constantinople,  the 
East  Roman  seat  of  Empire ; in  Asia  they  consider 
themselves  the  heirs  and  successors  of  the  great 
world  - conquerors  and  rulers,  Genghis  Khan  and 
Tamerlane.  The  resources  of  the  whole  empire  are 
in  the  hands  of  one  man,  who  follows  a family  policy 
instituted  by  Peter  the  Great.  In  this  expansion  there 
is  one  characteristic  which  deserves  to  be  noticed, 
namely,  that  Russia  succeeds  in  creating  a system 
which  assimilates  the  natives  — a process  not  met 
with  elsewhere.  The  Central  Asian  Khanates  have, 
it  must  be  noted,  no  natural  centres,  each  forming 
merely  a complement  to  the  other,  and  in  no  other 
field  of  expansion  or  colonization  are  there  so  few 
germs  of  secession.  The  expansion  through  Siberia 
to  the  Pacific  and  to  China  is  not  thus  so  great 
an  achievement — as  maintained  by  certain  Russian 
and  Prench  writers — as  the  exploitation  by  England 
of  the  countries  bordering  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the 
Pacific.  Still,  it  is  true  that  the  sea  lying  between 
England  and  the  Far  East,  however  extensive  it 
may  be,  “ unites  instead  of  separates.” 

The  trade  of  the  Dutch  with  China  commenced 
after  they  had  achieved  their  independence  in  Eu- 
rope, when  they  made  war  upon  the  Oriental  pos- 
sessions of  Spain,  capturing  Malacca,  the  Spice 
Islands,  and  other  positions.  In  1622  they  were 
repulsed  at  Macao,  and  established  themselves  in 


42 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


the  PesCcadores,  and  a couple  of  years  later  in  For- 
mosa. The  Portuguese  first  visited  a port  of  China 
in  1514,  and  three  years  later  took  place  the  trading 
expedition  to  Canton  under  Andrada,  conveying  the 
unfortunate  Ambassador  Perez,  who  died  in  fetters 
in  China.  Besides  Macao,  Formosa  was  included 
among  the  Portuguese  dependencies,  but  the  former 
was  the  only  permanent  foothold  of  Portugal  in 
China.  From  1543,  the  date  of  the  capture  of  the 
Philippines,  the  Spaniards  carried  on  a trade  be- 
tween Manila  and  the  Chinese  coasts,  and  the  next 
century  two  Spanish  forts  were  established  in  For- 
mosa (Spain  and  Portugal  being  at  this  time  under 
one  crown).  The  Dutch  drove  the  Spaniards  out 
of  that  island  in  1642,  but  twenty  years  later  were 
themselves  expelled  by  the  Chinese  pirate  Koxinga, 
and  thenceforward  they  held  no  possessions  in  the 
Chinese  seas.  In  1732  Danish  and  Swedish  traders, 
in  1736  P'rench,  and  in  1784  Americans,  appeared 
at  Canton. 

The  French  intercourse  with  China  has  been  con- 
siderable, and  both  the  earlier  knowledge  of  the 
West  acquired  by  China,  and  that  of  China  acquired 
by  the  West,  were  mainly  achieved  by  French  mis- 
sionaries.  No  French  Government  ever  sent  a mis- 
sion to  Peking  to  seek  merely  advantages  of  trade, 
as  others  have  done,  but  as  early  as  1289  Philip  the 
Fair  received  despatches  from  Persia  and  China, 
suggesting  common  action  against  their  enemies, 
the  Saracens.  Louis  XIV.,  in  1688,  addressed  a let- 
ter to  the  Emperor  Kanghi,  whom  he  termed  “ Most 


43 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


high,  most  excellent,  most  puissant,  and  most  mag- 
nanimous friend,  dearly  beloved  good  friend,”  signing 
himself  “Your  most  dear  and  good  friend,  Louis.” 
In  1844  an  important  mission,  under  the  direction 
of  M.  Lagrene  proceeded  to  Peking,  and  a treaty 
was  sig^ned  between  France  and  China.  The  French 
treaty  of  1858  was  supplemented  by  a Convention 
signed  at  Peking  in  i860,  which  led  to  controversy 
between  the  French  and  Chinese,  culminating^  in  an 
understanding,  in  1865,  the  formal  ratification  of 
which  was  procured  only  in  1894.  Further  Con- 
ventions were  concluded  in  1885,  1887,  and  1895, 
the  latter  two  containing  important  clauses  affecting 
Southern  China. 

The  initiation  of  a Chinese  policy  on  the  part  of 
France  began  seriously  with  the  expedition  of  Dou- 
dart  de  Lagere  in  1867,  described  in  the  most 
charming  manner  by  the  gifted  Louis  de  Came, 
when  it  was  first  seen  that  France  could  acquire  in 
Tongking  one  of  the  keys  in  China.*  The  later 
phases  of  that  policy  are  dealt  with  elsewhere. 

The  first  Prussian  expedition  was  in  1861,  under 

*“  The  force  of  circumstances,  and  the  weakness  of  the  Chinese 
themselves  (this  was  during  the  Mussulman  rebellion  in  Yunnan).” 
wrote  M.  de  Came  shortly  before  his  death,  “enable  us  to  foresee 
the  dismemberment  of  that  ancient  empire.  In  the  presence  of 
such  an  eventuality  France  should  be  prepared.  Her  part  is  traced 
out  by  the  position  which  she  already  holds  on  the  Annamite  Pen- 
insula. It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  she  should  e.xercise  a para- 
mount influence  in  Tonquin.  which  is  for  her  tlu’  kty  of  China,  and 
that,  without  hurrying  by  any  impatience  the  course  of  events,  she 
should  show  her  flag  to  the  people  whose  protectorate  may  some 
day  fall  into  her  hands.” 


4+ 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


the  Count  von  Eulenberg.  Some  years  later  Ger- 
man traders  in  China  suggested  that  their  Govern- 
ment should  seize  a portion  of  Chinese  territory — 
Formosa  or  Corea — in  order  to  found  a “ German 
Aust’*alia.”  Treaties  were  concluded  in  i86i  and 
1880.  But  nothino:  was  done  in  this  direction  until 
Kiaochau  was  occupied. 

The  English  intercourse  with  China  commenced 
later  than  that  of  other  maritime  Powers  of  the 
West,  but  has  grown  to  great  proportions.  The 
history  of  British  trade  with  China  preceding  our 
direct  connection  with  India  is  that  of  the  East  In- 
dia Company,  which  in  1613  established  a factory  in 
japan  and  some  two  years  later  opened  agencies 
in  Formosa  and  Amoy.  An  attempt  was  made,  in 
1627,  to  commence  trade  with  Canton  through 
Macao,  which  proved  unsuccessful,  owing  to  the  op- 
position of  the  Portuguese,  who  had  been  established 
there  some  seventy  years.  Nominal  participation 
in  the  trade  of  Canton  was  granted  to  the  British  in 
1635,  but  little  progress  achieved  until  Oliver  Crom- 
well concluded  the  treaty  with  Portugal  by  which 
free  access  was  obtained  throughout  the  East  Indies. 
When  the  Ming  dynasty,  in  1664,  was  replaced  by 
that  of  the  present  Ta  Tsing,  a complete  contempt 
for  trade  and  strong  antipathy  to  foreigners  began 
to  show  themselves  as  a marked  trait  of  the  new 
ruling  house.  The  Company’s  factory  at  ’Amoy 
was  destroyed  in  1681;  but  the  agents,  in  those  days 
called  “supercargoes,”  finding  that  the  Manchus 
permitted  trade  to  be  carried  on  provided  their  su- 

4S 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


premacy  was  humbly  acknowledged,  sent  ships  to 
Macao,  re-established  the  factory  at  Amoy,  and  soon 
after  founded  another  on  the  island  of  Chusan.  Till 
that  time  every  vessel  upon  arrival  was  boarded  by 
an  officer  of  the  Hoppo,  the  Imperial  Superintend- 
ent of  the  native  Customs,  and  by  an  ofificer  of  the 
Imperial  household,  who  were  propitiated  by  a cum- 
shaw,  or  present,  upon  the  amount  of  which  depend- 
ed the  extent  of  the  rates  and  duties  to  be  levied. 
When  the  mutual  difficulties  had  been  overcome, 
after  the  employment  of  arguments  usual  on  such 
occasions,  the  ship  proceeded  to  Whampoa,  at  that 
time  the  port  of  Canton,  where  trade  was  opened 
through  the  intermediary  of  a Chinese  trader  who 
was  officially  recognized. 

The  East  India  Company  having  appointed  a 
chief  supercargo,  who  was  also  to  act  as  King’s 
Minister  or  Consul  for  China,  the  Manchu  Govern- 
ment  nominated  an  official  to  supervise  foreign  trade, 
with  the  title  of  the  “ Emperor’s  Merchant.”  This 
ofificer  was  naturally  far  from  being  t\.  persona  grata 
with  the  supercargoes  and  traders.  A contest  arose 
between  the  two  officials,  and  every  endeavor  was 
made  by  the  Chinese  to  depreciate  the  position  of 
the  King’s  Minister  and  to  reduce  him  to  the  level 
of  a mere  taipan,  or  chief  manager.  The  foreigners 
had  now  not  merely  the  Hoppo  and  his  many  un- 
derlings to  placate  with  cio^tceurs,  but  the  “ Imperial 
Merchant  ’’and  his  horde  of  hangers-on.  The  Man- 
chu commissioner  became  the  intermediary  between 
the  foreigners  and  the  native  merchants,  and  also 

46 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


the  means  of  communication  between  them  and  the 
local  Chinese  authorities.  Thus  was  established  a 
powerful  Chinese  combination,  which  maintained  it- 
self by  submitting  to  a heavy  “ squeeze  ” at  the  hands 
of  the  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  Canton  on  the  one 
hand  and  of  the  Hoppo  on  the  other.  The  office  of 
the  latter  was  a remunerative  one,  but  he  in  turn 
had  to  purchase  his  five  years’  term  for  collecting 
the  Customs,  both  foreign  and  native,  by  a heavy 
payment  to  Peking.  Foreign  trade  was  therefore 
carried  on  under  great  disabilities ; but  notwith- 
standing all  obstacles  commerce  flourished,  and  by 
the  year  1715  British  ships  commenced  to  sail  direct 
to  the  Bogue,  where,  after  the  settlement  of  fees  and 
duties,  the  required  “ chop,”  or  stamped  permit,  was 
obtained,  and  permission  granted  to  proceed  to 
W’hampoa  to  trade. 

In  1720  a fresh  change  was  made  in  the  conduct 
of  foreign  trade,  the  “Emperor’s  Merchant  ” being 
replaced  by  a body  of  Chinese  traders,  known  as 
the  “ Co-Hong,”  with  power  to  levy  an  ad  valorem 
duty  of  four  per  cent,  on  imports  and  exports.  The 
Co- Hong  was  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
Hoppo,  and  responsible  to  the  Viceroy  and  Governor 
for  their  share  of  the  profits  and  the  solvency  of  each 
member.  The  members  of  the  corporation,  more- 
over, were  answerable  for  the  payment  of  all  fees 
and  duties,  and  even  for  offences  and  crimes  com- 
mitted by  the  ships’  officers  or  crews.  An  import 
duty  of  three  taels  per  pictil  was  sanctioned  by 
Imperial  edict  in  1722,  and  an  attempt  made  short- 


47 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ly  after  by  the  Imperial  Government  to  introduce  a 
fixed  tariff ; but  the  condition  of  affairs  was  not 
improved,  as  the  tariff  was  treated  with  contempt  by 
both  the  Hoppo  and  the  Co-Hong.  A special  tax 
of  ten  per  cent,  on  foreign  imports  and  exports 
followed,  concerning  which  a strong  appeal  was 
made  by  the  foreigners  to  the  Throne  — in  the 
attitude  of  humble,  or  rather  abject,  suppliants,  be 
it  noted — but  not  till  1736,  on  the  occasion  of  the 
accession  to  power  of  the  Emperor  Kienlung,  was 
exemption  obtained  from  the  impost.  The  vessels 
of  nationalities  other  than  the  British  now  com- 
menced to  trade  with  Canton. 

A fresh  disability  was  introduced  twenty  years 
later,  making  it  imperative  for  ships  to  obtain  the 
security  of  two  members  of  the  Co- Hong.  The 
powers  of  the  combination,  too,  were  extended,  all 
dealings  of  foreigners  with  small  traders  and  pur- 
veyors of  provisions  being  prohibited,  especially 
with  native  junks  before  entering  the  river,  as  had 
been  the  practice.  And  this  restriction  was  further 
emphasized  by  an  Imperial  edict  entirely  prohibit- 
ing trade  anywhere  outside  the  Bogue.  An  attempt 
was  made  by  the  chief  supercargo  to  avert  the  ruin 
of  the  Amoy  agency  thus  threatened,  but  he  com- 
pletely failed.  The  interpreter,  Mr.  Flint,  who  had 
been  charged  with  the  Amoy  negotiations,  proceed- 
ed to  Tientsin,  and  laid  the  whole  case,  involving 
as  it  did  serious  reflections  on  the  local  authorities 
at  Canton,  before  the  Throne.  The  appeal  was 
nominally  successful,  and  an  Imperial  Commissioner, 

48 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


accompanied  by  Mr.  Flint,  was  despatched  to  Can- 
ton to  remove  the  Hoppo  from  office,  to  abolish 
illegal  extortion,  and  to  hold  a full  investigation, 
with  the  inevitable  result  that  the  commissioner 
was  “ squared,”  and  grave  charges  were  formulated 
atjainst  Mr.  Flint  of  having  set  at  defiance  the  Im- 
perial  edict.  He  and  the  supercargoes  who  had 
been  summoned  to  the  Yamen  were  attacked  and 
maltreated  and  compelled  to  perform  the  kotow. 
Mr.  Flint  was  detained  in  prison,  and  a special 
mission  to  Canton,  to  obtain  his  release  having 
proved  unsuccessful,  and  a heavy  bribe  being  re- 
fused, he  was  actually  kept  in  confinement  till  the 
year  1762,  when  he  returned  to  England. 

The  system  of  bribery  and  corruption,  coupled 
with  submission  to  gross  indignities,  continued  until, 
in  1 771,  permission  was  accorded  to  foreigners  to 
reside  at  Canton  during  the  winter,  the  business 
season.  At  this  time  the  supercargoes  gained  a 
decisive  victory  over  the  Co-Hong,  obtaining  its  dis- 
solution by  means  of  a cumskaza  of  100,000  taels, 
the  contributions  due  to  the  authorities  having  fallen 
into  arrears.  Some  ten  years  later  the  old  institu- 
tion was  revived  in  another  form  by  the  creation  of 
“ Hong  merchants,”  native  brokers  who  bore  the 
title  of  “mandarin.”  The  sole  difference  between 
the  old  system  and  the  new  was  that,  in  lieu  of  the 
earlier  common  financial  responsibility,  there  was 
now  a Consoo,  an  association  or  guild  fund,  to  sup- 
ply by  a special  tax  on  foreign  trade  the  guarantee 
provided  for. 


u 


49 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


A fresh  impost  to  meet  the  requirements  of  coasc 
defence  was  imposed  in  1805.  In  the  year  1818 
there  arose  a serious  difficulty  ovxr  the  “ exportation 
of  bullion  ” question.  The  balance  of  trade  had 
been  yearly  diminishing  as  foreign  commerce  grew, 
and  the  Chinese  authorities  restricted  the  exporta- 
tion of  silver  by  any  vessel  to  three -tenths  of  the 
excess  of  imports  over  exports.  In  view  of  the 
alarming  export  of  silver,  the  authorities  in  1831 
imposed  such  crushing  restrictions  that  the  super- 
cargoes threatened  to  suspend  operations  altogether, 
later,  however,  submitting  to  the  Chinese  officials. 

The  foreign  trading  community  in  Canton  were 
chafing  more  and  more  at  what  they  considered  the 
weakness  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  showing 
signs  of  resentment  at  their  monopoly,  while  they 
evinced  an  increasing  disinclination  to  tamely  sub- 
mit to  the  exactions  of  the  Chinese  authorities. 
The  restrictions  were  evaded  by  the  vessels  outside 
the  Bogue,  where  stationary  ships  were  anchored  to 
serve  as  warehouses.  Smuggling  grew  apace,  and 
the  emoluments  of  the  local  authorities  seriously 
suffered.  It  became  apparent  to  the  Chinese  that 
there  was  a growing  determination  no  longer  to  play 
the  earlier  submissive  role,  and  that  with  the  cessa- 
tion of  the  East  India  Company’s  monopoly  foreign 
trade  would  be  placed  on  an  entirely  new  basis. 
Both  the  Imperial  Gov^ernment  and  the  local  author- 
ities took  a serious  view  of  the  position,  and  in  1832 
appeared  an  edict  directing  the  maritime  provinces 
to  place  their  coast  defences  and  ships  of  war  in  re- 

50 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


pair,  “ in  order  to  scour  the  seas  and  drive  away 
any  European  vessels  (of  war)  that  might  make  their 
appearance  on  the  coast.”  Collision  with  the  for- 
eigners was  felt  by  the  Chinese  to  be  inevitable. 

For  over  two  centuries  the  general  relations  of 
the  East  India  Company  towards  the  Chinese 
Government  were  those  of  the  suppliant  trader  most 
humbly  acknowledging  the  supreme  sovereignty  of 
the  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  Commerce  was  beneath  the 
contempt  not  merely  of  the  Court,  but  of  the  litei'ati 
and  officials ; trade  was  fit  only  for  the  lower,  or 
rather  the  lowest,  classes.  Even  to  the  “ outer 
barbarians,”  however,  the  Emperor  of  China  was 
clement,  and  they  were  permitted  to  trade,  under 
certain  disabilities,  being  only  allowed  to  reside  for 
brief  periods  at  intervals  in  the  suburbs  of  Canton  ; 
they  were  neither  to  enter  the  city  gates  nor  travel 
inland ; they  could  only  entertain  in  their  service 
the  lowest  class  of  Chinese,  the  boat  population, 
who  are  forbidden  to  live  on  shore  or  to  compete  at 
literary  examinations.  Under  such  conditions  were 
trade  and  intercourse  maintained. 

The  Chinese  certainly  saw  but  little  of  the  better 
side  of  the  strangers  from  the  West,  whether  hailing 
from  Europe  or  America.  To  them  the  foreigner 
was  a man  thinking  of  nothing  but  gain  by  trade, 
gain  at  any  price  ; a man  of  gross  material  pleasures, 
a coarse  and  vicious-tempered  being,  with  no  appre- 
ciation of  Chinese  philosophy  or  literature  or  histo- 
ry, and  not  even  the  most  elenientary  acquaintance 
Avith  Chinese  etiquette.  To  the  Chinese,  therefore, 

51 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  foreigner  was  densely  ignorant — a mere  savage ; 
he  was  the  “outer  barbarian,”  the  “foreign  devil.” 
The  Chinese  had  their  eyes  rudely  opened,  in  1741, 
to  the  fact  that  foreigners  were  possessed  of  some 
superior  advantages.  In  that  year  the  first  British 
man-of-war,  the  Centaur,  commanded  by  Commo- 
dore Anson,  made  its  appearance.  Under  circum- 
stances of  considerable  danger.  Captain  Anson 
passed  the  Bogue  and  pushed  on  to  Whampoa,  and 
still  further  astonished  the  Chinese  by  calling,  as  an 
officer  of  King  George  II.,  upon  the  Viceroy  of 
Canton,  audaciously  reminding  the  Chinese  officials 
that  etiquette  must  not  be  overlooked.  To  the 
discomfiture  of  the  Chinese  officials,  the  Viceroy 
received  him.  Fifty  years  later  the  situation  had 
not  improved,  and  when  two  British  ships  arrived 
at  Canton  the  officials  absolutely  refused  to  allow 
them  to  enter  the  Bogue.  Some  time  later,  in  1816, 
Captain  Maxwell,  of  the  Alccste,  made  his  way  to 
Whampoa,  after  returning  the  fire  of  the  forts  which 
had  opened  on  his  vessel  — an  incident  discreetly 
ignored  by  the  Chinese. 

The  embassies  sent  with  costly  gifts  by  King 
George  III.,  and  carried  out  with  much  pomp, 
accomplished  nothing.  Both  the  embassy  of  Lord 
Macartney  in  1792,  and  that  of  Lord  Amherst  in 
1815,  were  treated  as  mere  “tribute-bearing”  depu- 
tations. As  a concession,  Britain  was  admitted  by 
the  Court  chroniclers  to  an  official  position  in  the 
roll  of  “ tributary  nations,”  a fiction  which  was  main- 
tained till  quite  recent  years.  Even  the  reception 

52 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


of  Ministers  by  the  Emperor  at  Peking,  secured 
after  protracted  struggles,  has  always  been  held  in 
a building  associated  with  the  reception  of  subject 
nations.  Great  changes  are  occurring,  however, 
as  evidenced  by  the  reception  accorded  to  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia. 

The  more  frequent  visits  of  British  men-of-war, 
the  protection  of  Macao  against  French  attack,  and 
the  gradual  increase  of  our  naval  forces  impressed 
the  Chinese  and  enabled  our  countrymen  to  take  a 
firmer  stand  against  the  Chinese  assumption  of 
political  and  judicial  supremacy.  Never  formally 
acknowledged,  though  in  fact  admitted,  this  was 
now  formally  contested,  and  the  Chinese  were  in- 
formed that  foreigners  on  principle  declined  longer 
to  submit  to  it.  From  that  time  no  foreigner  was 
surrendered  to  the  Chinese  authorities  to  be  dealt 
with. 

In  view  of  the  impending  non -renewal  of  the 
charter,  held  by  the  East  India  Company,  which 
had  been  notified  to  the  Viceroy  of  Canton,  in  1831, 
that  official  asked  that  a British  officer  should  be 
sent  to  Canton  to  control  trade.  An  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment was  passed  two  years  later  to  regulate  trade 
with  China  and  India,  declaring  it  expedient  “for 
the  objects  of  trade  and  amicable  intercourse  with 
the  dominions  of  the  Emperor  of  China  ” to  estab- 
lish “a  British  authority  in  the  said  dominions.” 
Three  Superintendents  of  Trade — Lord  Napier, 
Mr.  Plowden,  and  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  J.  F.  Davis 
— were  appointed,  one  of  them  to  preside  over  “ a 

53 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


court  of  justice  with  criminal  and  Admiralty  juris- 
diction for  the  trial  of  offences  committed  by  her 
Majesty’s  subjects  in  the  said  dominions,  or  on  the 
high  sea  within  a hundred  miles  from  the  coast  of 
China.”  The  superintendents  were  forbidden  to 
engage  in  trade,  a tonnage  duty  being  sanctioned 
to  defray  the  cost  of  their  establishment.  Extra- 
territorial jurisdiction  was  thus  established,  and  the 
China  War  of  1841  became  inevitable.  Lord  Pal- 
merston instructed  Lord  Napier  “to  foster  and  pro- 
tect the  trade  of  his  Majesty’s  subjects  in  China ; 
to  extend  trade,  if  possible,  to  other  ports  of  China ; 
to  induce  the  Chinese  Government  to  enter  into 
commercial  relations  with  the  English  Government ; 
and  to  seek,  with  peculiar  caution  and  circumspec- 
tion, to  establish  eventually  direct  diplomatic  com- 
munication with  the  Imperial  Court  at  Peking;  also 
to  have  the  coast  of  China  surveyed,  to  prevent  dis- 
asters and  “ to  inquire  for  places  where  British 
ships  might  find  requisite  protection  in  the  event 
of  hostilities  in  the  China  Sea,”  an  injunction  which 
led  to  much  controversy  later  on. 

A serious  mistake  was  made  in  associating  with 
Lord  Napier,  as  joint  superintendents,  two  gentle- 
men who  had  been  in  the  East  India  Company’s 
service,  and  who,  therefore,  were  most  unlikely  to 
receive  consideration  at  the  hands  of  the  Chinese. 
The  policy  adopted  was  temporizing,  vacillating, 
and  ended  in  Lord  Napier  finding  himself  in  a false 
position  and  being  abandoned  by  his  Government. 
The  Cabinet,  with  all  their  opportunities,  had 

54 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


learned  nothing  from  the  history  of  the  East  India 
Company,  and  committed  the  additional  blunder  of 
acting  under  the  advice  of  the  directors  of  that 
Company,  who  had  already  so  gravely  mismanaged 
affairs.  The  sad  story  of  Lord  Napier’s  mission 
need  not  be  recapitulated  here ; enough  that,  after 
suffering  all  sorts  of  indignities  at  the  hands  of  the 
Chinese  authorities,  he  was  at  last  permitted  to 
leave  Canton  and  proceed  to  Macao,  where  he  died 
— of  a broken  heart,  it  is  said. 

Sir  J.  F.  Davis  succeeded  Lord  Napier,  and  in 
1834  recommended  that  a despatch  should  be  sent 
to  the  Emperor  of  China  by  a small  fleet,  and,  if 
that  failed,  that  measures  of  coercion  should  be  em- 
ployed. The  British  community,  supporting  this 
view,  proposed  that  a plenipotentiary  should  pro- 
ceed, with  an  armed  force,  to  demand  reparation  of 
the  Emperor  and  to  arrange  trade  questions.  Then 
followed  the  “ quiescent  policy  ” of  Davis  and  his 
successor.  But  gradually  the  idea  grew  that  we 
must  acquire  an  island  on  the  coast  as  a “colony.” 
Chusan  was  first  in  favor,  later  Ningpo,  then  For- 
mosa. The  relations  between  English  and  Chinese, 
however,  became  more  and  more  strained,  the  im- 
portation of  opium  being  one  of  the  grounds  of  dis- 
pute ; and  open  hostilities  took  place  in  1839.  In 
January,  1841,  the  island  of  Hongkong  was  ceded  to 
the  English  by  the  Chinese  Commissioner  Keshen, 
and,  though  repudiated  by  the  Chinese  Government, 
the  cession  was  confirmed  by  the  Treaty  of  Nan- 
king, in  1842,  whereby  five  ports — Canton,  Amoy, 

55 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Fuchau,  Ningpo,  and  Shanghai  — were  opened  to 
British  trade.  Possession  of  Hongkong  was  taken 
in  1841,  and  the  next  year  it  w^as  proclaimed  a free 
port,  which  it  has  since  remained;  in  1843  it  was 
constituted  a Crown  colony. 

The  so-called  “ opium  war  ” was  really  waged  to 
put  a stop  to  grievances  which  had  been  accumulat- 
ing for  a hundred  and  fifty  years.  No  protest 
against  the  drug  being  treated  as  contraband  by  Im- 
perial decrees  was  made ; but  when  commands  were 
issued  to  the  Queen  as  a vassal  of  China,  and  her 
subjects  treated  with  violence,  the  question  entered 
upon  another  phase. 

In  1856  war  again  broke  out  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  China,  in  consequence  of  the  capture  by  the 
Chinese  of  a “ lorcha,”  the  Arrow,  flying  the  British 
flag.  Lord  Elgin  was  sent  to  China  as  Minister 
Extraordinary,  and  after  a series  of  war-like  opera- 
tions, including  the  taking  of  Canton,  the  Treaty  of 
Tientsin  was  signed  in  1858.  Peace  was  only  tem- 
porary, however.  In  1859  the  British  Ambassador 
was  obstructed  when  on  his  way  to  Peking  to  obtain 
a ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  it  was  only  after  the 
Anglo-French  expedition  had  forced  the  passage  of 
the  Pei  ho,  captured  the  Taku  forts,  and  camped  at 
Peking,  that  the  Co^nvention  of  Peking,  ratifying 
the  Tientsin  treaty,  was  signed,  in  i860.  The  treaty 
and  convention  form  the  basis  of  the  present  rela- 
tions between  Great  Britain  and  China.  Additional 
ports  in  China  were  opened  to  British  trade,  provi- 
sion was  made  for  the  permanent  residence  at  Peking 

56 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 


of  a British  representative,  and  Kaulun,  opposite 
Hongkong,  was  ceded  to  Britain.  In  1876  negotia- 
tions, arising  out  of  the  Margary  murder,  resulted  in 
the  Chifu  Convention.  The  Siam  Convention  of 
January  15,  1896,  has  an  important  bearing  upon 
the  relations  of  England  and  France  towards  south- 
western China.* 

The  incidents  of  the  Chino-Japanese  War,  culmi- 
nating in  the  Treaty  of  Shimonoseki  of  1895,  are  so 
well  known  as  to  require  no  further  mention  here. 


* Article  IV.  provides  that;  “In  the  provinces  of  Yunnan  and 
Szechuan,  all  the  privileges  and  advantages  of  any  nature  conceded 
to  France  in  the  Agreement  of  1895,  and  which  may  in  the  future 
be  conceded  in  these  two  Chinese  provinces,  either  to  Great  Britain 
or  to  France,  shall,  as  far  as  rests  with  them,  be  extended  and  ren- 
dered common  to  both  Powers  and  their  nationals  and  dependents, 
and  they  engage  to  use  their  influence  and  good  offices  with  the 
Chinese  Government  for  that  purpose.” 


The  work  by  Mr.  C.  P.  Lucas,  A Historical  Geography  of  the  Col- 
onies, and  Dr.  Eitel’s  Europe  in  China,  as  well  as  other  authorities, 
have  been  consulted  in  this  section 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 

The  slumbering  factors  of  an  immense  industrial 
production  all  exist  in  China,  says  Richthofen. 
Among  the  various  races  of  mankind  the  Chinese 
is  the  only  one  which  in  all  climates,  the  hottest  and 
the  coldest,  is  capable  of  great  and  lasting  activity. 
The  Chinaman  fulfils  in  the  highest  degree  the  ideal 
of  an  intelligent  human  machine.*  It  is  evident 
that,  in  many  important  industries,  use  will  be  made 
of  this  still  latent  activity,  and  that  the  seat  of  many 
industries  will  therefore  be  transplanted  to  Chinese 
ground.  The  people  themselves  may  lack  the  initi- 
ative, but  foreign  capital  will  utilize  the  opportunity 
for  flooding  the  markets  of  the  world  with  the  prod- 
ucts of  cheap  Chinese  labor.! 


“The  truth  is,  that  a man  of  good  physical  and  intellectual 
qualities,  regarded  merely  as  an  economical  factor,  is  turned  out 
cheaper  by  the  Chinese  than  by  any  other  race.” — Bourne,  Report 
on  the  Trade  of  Central  and  Southern  China,  No.  458,  1898. 

t “ It  is  not  difficult  to  guess  what  they  will  do  when  foreign  im- 
portations cause  them  serious  anxiety,”  says  Simon.  “ They  will 
erect  looms,  mills,  and  steam  machinery  of  all  kinds  ...  if  need- 
ful obtain  European  assistance,  and  dispense  with  European  prod- 
ucts. It  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  stop  there,  because  the  day  that 
they  take  a fancy  to  engage  in  Western  industry  will  mark  a disas- 

58 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


China  may  be  divided  into  three  zones,  of  which 
the  temperature  and  products  are  very  different. 
The  northern  zone  comprises  the  country  lying  to 
the  north  of  the  Yellow  River.  The  climate  here  is 
much  too  severe  for  tea  or  rice,  and  the  land  is  most- 
ly sown  with  millet  and  barley.  The  central  zone, 
stretching:  from  the  Yellow  River  southward  to  the 
26th  degree  of  latitude,  has  much  milder  winters 
than  the  northern,  and  rice  and  wheat  thrive  well 
there.  It  possesses,  too,  the  better  kinds  of  tea,  the 
mulberry,  the  cotton -tree,  the  jujube,  the  orange- 
tree,  the  sugar-cane,  and  the  bamboo,  which  has  been 
applied  by  the  Chinese  to  a great  variety  of  pur- 
poses. The  eastern  part  of  this  favored  zone  is  cel- 
ebrated for  its  manufactures  of  silk  and  cotton  ; the 
middle  of  it  is  the  granary  of  China,  and  might  feed 
the  whole  country  from  its  enormous  harvests  of 
rice;  the  west  abounds  in  valuable  timber.  The 
southern  zone,  bordered  by  the  sea,  has  much  the 
same  natural  productions,  but  not  generally  of  as 
good  a cpiality,  as  the  temperature  is  much  higher. 
Numerous  mineral  and  metalliferous  deposits  are 
distributed  throughout  all  zones — coal  and  iron  in 
the  north,  south,  and  centre;  gold  and  silver  in  the 
provinces  of  the  north,  south,  and  west ; and  copper, 
tin,  mercury,  and  lead  in  many  parts.  Finally,  the 
mountains  of  the  southwest,  in  Yunnan  and  Kwei- 
chau,  are  rich  in  metals. 

The  vast  mineral  wealth  of  the  country  is  as  yet 

trous  day  for  Europe.  Free  from  ta.xes,  with  cheap  and  abundant 
labor,  it  will  be  impossible  to  compete  with  them." 

59 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


locked  up,  and  cannot  be  developed  until  proper 
communications  are  opened.  The  population  is 
only  dense  along  and  close  to  the  seaboard  and  the 
main  waterways  of  the  interior.  Away  from  these  it 
becomes  sparser,  and  trade  does  not  penetrate,  be- 
cause communications  are  almost  entirely  wanting, 
thus  taking  away  all  incentive  from  the  people  to 
produce  beyond  their  immediate  wants.  It  should 
always  be  borne  in  mind,  in  dealing  with  China,  that 
paucity  of  population  is  a very  imperfect  index  to 
the  potentialities  of  any  district  which  is  not  in 
communication  with  the  outer  world.  Scantiness  of 
population  does  not  at  all  imply  absence  of  mineral 
and  other  latent  wealth,  and  affords  a poor  test  of 
the  character  of  the  soil. 

The  use  of  coal  in  the  household  and  the  arts  has 
been  carried  to  great  perfection.*  Anthracite  is 
powdered  and  mixed  with  wet  clay,  earth,  sawdust, 
or  dung,  according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  case, 
says  Williams,  in  the  proportion  of  about  seven  to 
one,  the  balls  thus  made  being  dried  in  the  sun. 
The  brick-beds  [kang)  are  effective  means  of  warm- 
ing the  house,  and  the  hand  furnaces  enable  the  poor 
to  cook  with  these  balls,  aided  by  a little  charcoal,  at 
a trifling  expense.  Owing  to  the  extremely  bad  state 
of  the  means  of  communication,  howev^er,  only  those 

* Marco  Polo  notices  its  use.  “It  is  a fact,”  says  the  Venetian, 
“ that  all  over  the  country  of  Cathay,  there  is  a kind  of  black  stone 
existing  in  beds  in  the  mountains,  which  they  dig  out  and  burn  like 
firewood.  It  is  true  that  they  have  plenty  of  wood  also,  but  they 
do  not  burn  it,  because  those  stones  burn  better  and  cost  less.” — 
Yule’s  Marco  Polo,  vol.  i.,  p.  395. 

60 


THE  ECONO  AIIC  QUESTION 


who  live  in  close  vicinity  to  coal-mines  can  derive 
benefit  from  them,  while  to  others,  who  live  at  a 
day’s  walk  from  the  mine,  coal  is  a luxury  for  which 
they  can  no  longer  afford  to  pay.  Coal,  which  costs 
in  Shansi  13  cents  per  ton  at  the  mine,  rises  to  4 
taels  at  a distance  of  thirty,  and  to  7 taels  at  sixty 
miles.  Thus  the  price  increases  i tael  per  ton  in 
every  ten  miles.* 

Throughout  the  north  of  Chihli  coal  is  plentiful. 
At  the  extensive  collieries  of  Kaiping  the  mines  are 
worked  on  a European  model  and  produce  excellent 
coal,  and  the  out-turn  could  be  immensely  increased. 
At  one  place,  Chaitang,  Richthofen  walked  over  a 
regular  procession  of  coal-bearing  strata,  the  thick- 
ness of  which  he  estimated  as  exceeding  7000  feet. 
At  Taigan  shan  the  beds  are  of  greater  value  than 
any  in  the  neighborhood  of  Peking.  The  coal  at 
both  these  places  is  anthracite. 

Regarding  the  basin  of  Taiyuen  fu,  Richthofen 
says  that  coal  is  abundant  everywhere,  and  in  most 
places  worth  little  more  than  the  cost  of  transporta- 
tion. All  the  coal  occurring  in  the  vicinity  is  bitu- 
minous and  of  extremely  good  quality.  The  beds 
are  numerous,  those  worked  being  generally  from  3 
to  5 feet  thick,  but  in  some  instances  8 and  even  10 
feet.  Owing  to  their  horizontal  position,  the  out. 


* “ Where  coal  is  conveyed  by  land,  it  soon  reaches  such  a price 
as  to  render  its  use  impossible.  Coal  production  is  cheap— about 
(id.  per  ton — and,  therefore,  improved  machinery  is  not  wanted,  at 
least  not  so  long  as  the  want  of  means  of  communication  lasts.” — ■ 
Richthofen. 


61 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


croppings  being  exposed  to  view  on  the  hill-side, 
mining  is  extraordinarily  easy.  Most  of  the  coal- 
seams,  too,  are  overlain  by  hard  sandstone,  forming 
a solid  roof  in  the  mines,  which  only  needs  to  be 
supported  by  coal-pillars,  thus  reducing  the  expense 
for  timbering  to  a minimum. 

Of  another  coal-field,  Pingting  chau,  the  same  au- 
thority says  that  the  present  mines  constitute  a nar- 
row and  crooked  belt,  following:  the  line  along- which 
the  coal  measures  crop  out,  and  that  the  coal-bearing 
strata  extend  to  the  west,  southwest,  and  north,  prac- 
tically through  almost  the  whole  of  southern  Shansi. 
Adits,  miles  in  length,  could  be  driven  within  the 
body  of  the  coal,  underneath  great  thicknesses  of 
superincumbent  strata.  It  is  probable  that  all,  or 
nearly  all,  the  anthracite  beds  would  here  be  worth 
extracting.  Mining  is  therefore  capable  of  a practi- 
cally almost  unlimited  extension.  These  conditions 
are  altogether  abnormal,  and  when  a railroad  is  built 
from  the  plain  to  this  district,  branches  will  be  car- 
ried through  the  body  of  these  beds  of  anthracite, 
among  the  thickest  and  most  valuable  in  the  world. 
In  this  way  the  output  of  the  coal-beds  will  be  load- 
ed direct  on  railroad  - cars,  to  be  railed  to  distant 
places,  and  extensive  deposits  of  iron  ore  and  clay 
could  also  be  exploited. 

Shansi  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  coal  and 
iron  regions  in  existence.  At  the  present  rate  of 
consumption  the  world  could  be  supplied  with  coal 
for  thousands  of  years  from  Shansi  alone,  in  Richt- 
hofen’s opinion.  And  speaking  of  Professor  Dana’s 

62 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


comparison  of  the  proportions  in  various  countries 
of  the  area  of  coal  land  to  the  total  area,  where  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  is  given  as  leading  the  world 
with  its  43,960  square  miles  embracing  20,000  of 
coal  land,  Richthofen  says  the  province  of  Shansi 
will  take  the  palm  from  Pennsylvania,  and  by  a rela- 
tively greater  proportion.  Nor  is  its  extent  the  only 
advantage  possessed  by  the  Chinese  coal-field,  the 
ease  and  cheapness  with  which  coal  can  be  extracted 
being  a remarkable  feature.  This  region,  however, 
labors  under  the  disadvantage  of  being  situated  at  a 
distance  from  the  coast  and  from  navigable  rivers ; 
and  the  coal  formation  lies  a few  thousand  feet  above 
the  adjoining  plain,  a difficulty  which  will  have  to  be 
overcome  by  the  railroads  required  for  the  exploita- 
tion of  the  mineral  wealth  of  Shansi. 

At  the  present  moment,  since  the  destruction  by 
fire  of  the  mines  upon  which  the  Hanyang  Iron- 
works were  dependent,  there  exist  practically  but 
two  sources  from  which  a supply  for  exportation  is 
drawn — Kaiping  and  Hankau.  In  addition  to  these 
a small  quantity  from  Tszechau  fu,  in  Shansi,  finds 
its  way  every  year  to  the  Yangtsze  in  spite  of  the 
heavy  taxation  in  transit  and  difficult  transport. 
Were  the  Kaiping  mines  properly  worked  under 
complete  foreign  control,  they  would  long  since 
have  secured  a share  of  the  trade  which  now  goes  to 
Japan,  for  the  coal  produced  is  of  good  quality  and 
might  be  laid  down  at  moderate  prices  in  Shanghai.* 

* An  account  of  the  actual  and  potential  coal  resources  of  some 
of  the  chief  districts  of  China  has  been  given  (April,  1898)  by  the 

63 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


As  regards  the  coal  which  reaches  Hankau  from 
southeast  Hunan,  its  present  price  at  Shanghai  is 
9 taels  per  ton,  but  neither  supply  nor  price  can  be 
counted  upon.  The  district  of  Luiyang,  from  which 
the  famous  coal  of  this  name  comes,  forms  the  most 
important  mining  centre  of  a region  which  is  broadly 
estimated  as  extending  over  20,000  square  miles.  It 
is  from  this  source  that  the  future  coal  supply  of 
central  China  must  chiefly  be  drawn,  and  it  is  the 
existence  of  this  vast  field,  in  addition  to  the  commer- 
cial capacities  of  so  populous  a region,  which  renders 
the  opening  of  Hunan  to  foreign  enterprise  a matter 
of  such  importance.  The  coal  has  long  been  worked 
in  many  localities,  under  the  primitive  methods  of 
Chinese  surface-mining,  for  purposes  of  local  supply, 
and  a varying  quantity  (probably  some  200,000  tons 
a year)  is  sent  to  Hankau,  four  hundred  and  thirty 
miles  distant.  The  Luiyang  and  Yungling  mines 
are  capable  of  producing  an  unlimited  supply,  the 
cost  of  which  would  become  nominal  with  good  com- 
munications and  scientific  methods  of  production. 

In  Honan  the  fields  borderinsf  on  the  line  of  the 
proposed  Luhan  Railway — i.e.,  the  Peking- Hankau 
line— produce  an  excellent  quality  of  bituminous 
coal,  sold  at  about  y.  at  the  mines,  and  iron  ore  oc- 
curs profusely  throughout  the  coal-bearing  strata  of 
this  district,  while  in  north  Honan  there  is  also  an 
anthracite  belt.  Coal  from  these  mines  finds  its  way 
to  the  Yellow  River  and  the  Wei,  both  thirty  miles 

correspondent  of  the  Times,  to  whom  I am  indebted  for  valuable 
information. 


64 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


distant,  where  it  commands  a price  five  times  that 
paid  at  the  pit-mouth. 

In  Shansi,  still  bordering  on  the  Luhan  Railway 
line,  lies  the  great  coal  and  iron  region  of  Tszechau 
fu,  favorably  situated  as  a distributing  centre.  In 
northern  Shensi,  also  rich  in  coal,  the  difficulties 
of  transportation  place  it  entirely  beyond  the  reach 
of  any  but  the  adjacent  places.  The  coal  forma- 
tion in  the  bottom  of  ravines  cut  through  the  cover 
of  loess,  is  so  similar  to  that  of  Shansi  as,  in  Richt- 
hofen’s opinion,  to  make  it  probable  that  the  table- 
lands of  coal  extend  over  the  greater  portion  of 
northern  Shensi.  Although  little  is  generally  known 
regarding  the  minerals  of  China,  a comprehensive 
list  of  these,  based  on  Chinese  sources,  is  given  by 
Pumpelly.* 

The  same  methods  witnessed  by  Richthofen  for 
extracting  the  metals  in  Tszechau  were  probably,  in 
his  opinion,  applied  several  thousand  years  ago. 
They  bear  the  character  of  nearly  all  Chinese  in- 
dustry, being  primitive  and  imperfect,  and  yet  pro- 
ducing good  results.  The  trains  of  mules  and  men 
encountered  on  the  road,  he  says,  laden  with  iron- 
ware of  the  most  varied  description,  prepare  the  trav- 
eller to  see  the  metal  manufactured  on  a large  scale ; 
and  it  is  surprising,  on  arrival  at  the  spot,  to  see  hun- 
dreds of  small  establishments,  between  which  the 
labor  is  divided,  each  of  them  manufacturing  a cer- 
tain set  of  articles  for  which  they  may  have  gained 


* Geological  Researches  in  China,  Mongolia,  and  Japan. 
Pumpelly. 


65 


R. 


E 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


a reputation.  It  is  evident  that  the  great  success 
wliich  the  iron  manufacturers  of  Tszechau  attain,  by 
application  of  apparently  the  rudest  methods,  must 
be  due  in  a great  measure  to  the  superiority  of  the 
material  they  employ.  It  is  the  few  hundred  feet  of 
productive  coal  formation  which  furnishes  them  with 
an  abundance  of  every  kind  of  material  they  require 
— namely,  an  iron  ore  of  great  purity,  rich  in  metal 
and  easily  fusible ; all  sorts  of  clay  and  sand,  such  as 
are  required  for  crucibles,  moulds,  etc. ; and  an  an- 
thracite of  a superior  quality. 

The  best  information  regarding  the  province  of 
Shantung  is  in  the  pages  of  Williamson,  who  found 
four  great  coal-fields  in  this  province  with  mines  in 
active  operation,  in  addition  to  several  lesser  ones ; 
he  also  found  places  where  coal  exists,  but  where 
mining  is  interdicted.  The  chief  among  the  great 
coal-producing  districts  of  Shantung  is  the  valley  of 
the  Laufu  ho,  which  runs  north  and  south,  the  hills 
on  the  west  side  being  perforated  with  coal-pits. 
Several  varieties  are  extracted — fine  bituminous  coal, 
or  partly  bituminous  and  partly  anthracite,  gas-coal, 
and  others  difficult  to  classify.  This  district  is  fa- 
mous throughout  the  province,  and  supplies  the 
neiffiiborinof  towns  and  cities.  At  Poshan  coke  is 
manufactured  in  large  quantities  for  exportation,  be- 
ing used  for  smelting  silver  and  for  purposes  where 
great  heat  is  required.  Another  field  is  a little  to 
the  south  of  Yichau  fu,  the  coal  being  of  inferior 
quality,  and  a third  is  the  Wei  hien  district.  The 
fourth  is  twelve  miles  north  of  Yi  hien,  where  the 

66 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


coal  is  excellent,  coal  being  also  found  near  the  east- 
ern gate  of  Kiaochau.  Judging  from  the  direction 
of  the  prevailing  mountain  ranges  and  their  geologi- 
cal features,  it  is  probable  that  coal  exists  through- 
out the  whole  of  the  centre  and  west  of  Shantung. 

Iron  ore  and  iron-stone  of  many  descriptions  have 
been  found  in  several  places  far  removed  from  one 
another,  and  in  such  positions  as  to  indicate  their 
wide  distribution.  Very  fine  ore — viz.,  the  black 
oxide  of  iron,  exists  in  Shantung.  Iron  ore  of  a 
somewhat  different  description  has  also  been  pro- 
cured from  the  hill  called  King-kwo  shan,  about 
fifty  //southeast  of  Tungchau. 

Gold  is  found  in  many  provinces,  Manchuria, 
Shantung,  and  the  western  highlands  deserving 
special  mention.  Gold  washings  on  the  Han  River, 
in  Hupei,  are  noticed  by  Richthofen,  where  he  found 
that  seven  men  wash  twenty  tons  of  gravel  a day, 
with  an  average  yield  in  gold  of  about  three  and  a 
half  to  four  cents  a ton. 

The  mineral  wealth  of  the  two  southwest  prov- 
inces, Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  is  very  great  and  va- 
ried, and  is  unequalled  throughout  China.*  Coal  of 
excellent  quality  occurs  in  various  parts  of  Yunnan  ; 
salt  is  found  in  the  hills — not  in  wells,  as  in  Szechuan. 
Lead,  iron,  tin,  zinc  are  exported.  Iron  and  coal 
are  found  everywhere  in  abundance,  as  well  as  cop- 
per, sulphur,  mineral  oil,  mercury,  cinnabar,  and 
other  valuable  minerals,  which  the  broken  nature  of 


* See  Chapter  V. 
67 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  ground  brings  to  the  surface.  Here,  as  else- 
where in  China,  water  is  the  great  difficulty  in  iron, 
coal,  and  mercury  mining,  many  very  productive 
mines  being  hopelessly  flooded.  But  the  mines  can- 
not be  successfully  worked  until  there  are  railways 
to  convey  the  output  to  a market. 

The  chief  copper  and  lead  mines  are  situated  be- 
tween the  provinces  of  Hupei  and  Hunan,  in  south 
China,  and  besides  the  metal  supplied  from  these 
mines,  copper  is  sent  to  Peking  from  Yunnan  and 
Kweichau.  Copper  ore  has  been  found  east  of  Chi- 
fu,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  exists  else- 
where in  Shantung  and  several  other  provinces. 

The  salt-works  of  Lutswun  supply  Shansi,  north- 
ern Shensi,  and  the  greater  portions  of  Kansu  and 
Honan.  The  amount  extracted  yearly,  supposing 
the  figure  arrived  at  to  be  correct,  would  hardly  ap- 
pear, in  the  opinion  of  Richthofen,  to  be  sufficient 
for  the  population  of  those  regions.  But  there  are 
other  sources  of  supply.  In  the  valleys  of  Hinchau, 
Taiyuen  fu,  Pingyang  fu,  Sian  fu — in  fact,  in  every 
large  loess-basin — salt  is  made,  but  of  very  inferior 
quality,  having  a brown  color  and  a bitter  taste.  It 
is  sold  at  a price  ranging  from  seven  to  twenty  cash 
a cattie,  and  is  only  used  by  the  poor.  A portion  of 
Shansi  is  also  provided  with  salt  from  Tientsin. 

The  salt  industry  evidences  Chinese  ingenuity  in 
a striking  way.  The  sale  of  salt  is  a Government 
monopoly,  the  entire  revenue  from  salt  raised  by  the 
Chinese  Government  being  about  13,659,000  taels. 
The  annual  consumption  for  China  is  estimated  to 

68 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


be  over  33,000,000,000  lbs.,  the  importation  of  for- 
eign salt  being  prohibited.  The  United  States  Con- 
sul-General at  Shanghai  has  recently  given  an  in- 
terestins:  account,  which  embodies  the  information 
collected  by  Baber,  Richthofen,  and  other  travellers. 

“The  ingenuity  which,  seventeen  hundred  years  ago,  bored 
through  solid  rock  to  the  depth  of  from  2000  to  5000  feet  attests 
scientific  skill  that  may  still  interest.  The  salt  wells  of  China  are 
found  in  Szechuan,  Yunnan,  and  Shansi;  but  the  more  important 
are  near  the  city  of  Tzelintsing,  in  the  province  of  Szechuan,  about 
175  miles  west  of  Chungking  and  an  equal  distance  southeast  of 
Chengtu.  The  salt  belt  is  a triangular  tract,  having  the  Min  River, 
from  Chingting  fu  to  its  junction  with  the  Yangtsze  at  Sui  fu,  for 
its  base,  and  its  apex  near  Tzelintsing,  an  area  of  some  1500  miles. 
The  number  of  wells  in  this  region,  officially  reported,  are  1200,  but 
the  number  is  larger,  and  by  some  estimated  as  high  as  5000.  They 
average  about  six  inches  in  diameter,  and  vary  in  depth  from  700  to 
5000  feet,  though  there  is  one  well  reported  to  be  5900  feet  deep.” 


Tea  is  still  the  largest  element  in  the  foreign 
trade,  although  rapidly  diminishing  on  account  of 
the  competition  from  India.  Its  use  in  China  is  not 
so  universal  as  imagined  : in  the  north  and  west  the 
people  use  preparations  in  which  tea  forms  a small 
proportion,  or  else  drink  hot  water.  The  “ brick 
tea”  for  the  Monorolian  and  Tibetan  markets  is 

O 

principally  prepared  at  Hankau.  For  the  better  qual- 
ities the  Russians  invariably  outbid  the  English, 
and  the  finest  kinds  are  consumed  either  in  China 
or  in  Russia,  where  the  upper  classes  are  prepared 
to  pay  heavily  for  a fine  tea,  just  as,  in  the  West, 
high  prices  are  paid  for  a choice  wine.  Tea  was 
used  as  a beverage,  in  the  earlier  centuries  of  our  era, 

69 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


in  China,  whence  a knowledge  of  the  plant  was  car- 
ried to  Japan,  where  the  cultivation  was  established 
in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  indigenous  tea-tree, 
believed  by  botanists  to  be  the  parent  species,  is 
found  in  Assam. 

Insect  wax  is  exported  to  some  extent  from  Sze- 
chuan, and  the  supply  from  that  province,  and  from 
Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  is  capable  of  indefinite  ex- 
pansion, according  to  Bourne. 

Unlike  those  of  their  kind  in  Szechuan,  the  wax 
insects  of  Shantung  breed  and  become  productive 
in  the  same  districts.  They  are  placed  upon  the 
trees  in  the  spring,  and  at  the  close  of  the  summer 
they  void  a peculiar  substance  which,  when  melted, 
forms  wax.  In  the  autumn  they  are  taken  off  the 
trees,  and  are  preserved  within  doors  until  the  fol- 
lowing spring. 

The  history  of  tobacco  in  China  is  very  curious, 
showing  how  rapidly  a narcotic  can  spread.  Some 
three  hundred  years  ago  it  came  from  Japan,  doubt- 
less introduced  there  by  the  Portuguese  or  Dutch, 
to  Corea.  Thence  it  was  introduced  into  Manchu- 
ria, and,  when  the  present  Manchu  dynasty  ascended 
the  throne  (a.d.  1664),  thence  into  China.  Its  use  is 
now  universal,  the  Manchurian  tobacco  being  now 
famous  throughout  China. 

The  question  of  labor  is  one  of  great  importance. 
A Chinese  coolie  can  be  employed  for  from  six  to 
eight  dollars  a month,  and,  considering  his  greater 
strength  and  endurance,  he  is  a cheaper  servant  at 
these  rates,  either  in  or  out  of  his  own  country,  than 

70 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


the  ordinary  native  of  India.  The  people  are  sturdy 
and  well  built,  those  of  north  China  being  stronger 
than  those  of  the  south,  and  more  civil  to  foreigners. 
The  poorer  classes  live  almost  entirely  on  rice  and 
vegetables,  to  which  they  sometimes  add  small  pieces 
of  fish  and  meat.  An  artisan’s  wages  vary,  accord- 
ing to  his  skill,  from  5^/.  to  lod.  per  diem.  As  a rule 
they  are  diligent  workmen,  being  good  carpenters, 
slow  bricklayers,  excellent  stone-cutters,  very  fair 
navvies,  indifferent  blacksmiths,  and  bad  at  forge- 
work  and  iron-work  generally.  They  do  not  appre- 
ciate the  necessity  of  exactness  or  of  fixing  work 
truly  in  a lathe,  but  they  have  considerable  powers 
of  imitation.  They  are  indifferent  miners.  When 
working  by  contract,  meals  are  provided  on  the 
premises.  They  work  generally  nine  hours  a day, 
lunching  about  noon,  and  dining  after  the  day’s 
work  is  done,  usually  on  rice,  fish,  and  vegetables. 

Workmen  are  divided  into  guilds,  are  turbulent 
unless  kept  in  subjection,  and  often  combine  to  raise 
their  wages.  The  artisans  of  the  south  are  superior 
to  those  of  north  China  in  skill  and  activity.  The 
great  bulk  of  the  people  (two-thirds)  are  employed 
in  productive  labor — z>.,  agriculture  and  fisheries, 
one-tenth  of  the  whole  population  probably  gaining 
a livelihood  by  the  latter  industry.  About  one-third 
are  manufacturers,  tradesmen,  or  are  engaged  in  com- 
merce. The  extremely  overpopulated  condition  of 
certain  sections  of  the  country  has  had  a powerful 
influence  in  moulding  the  national  character.  Un- 
der the  existing  conditions  China  cannot  support 

71 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


her  people ; hence  large  numbers  of  the  inhabitants 
are  compelled  either  to  emigrate*  or  to  live  in  boats 
on  the  rivers  and  lakes. 

The  Chinese  immigration  into  Mongol  territory, 
which  commenced  some  centuries  ago,  was  at  first  a 
purely  political  measure,  the  Emperor  Kanghi  es- 
pecially fostering  it  by  deporting  criminals  and 
building  fortified  cities.  But  the  most  rapid  prog- 
ress in  the  way  of  spontaneous  colonization  appears 
to  have  been  made  in  the  last  decade.  While  the 
Chinese  in  Manchuria  have  succeeded  in  assimi- 
lating themselves  by  intermarriage  with  the  ruling 
race,  they  can  gain  upon  the  Mongols  only  by  push- 
ing them  back,  for  no  intermarriage  takes  place, 
and  the  Mongols,  unlike  the  Manchus,  do  not  as- 
sume the  Chinese  language  and  literature. 

As  regards  opium,  the  most  marked  feature  and 
the  one  which  concerns  us  most,  for  it  involves  the 
loss  of  a large  income  to  England,  is  the  decrease  in 
the  import  of  the  Indian  article.  There  cannot  be 
any  doubt  that  the  foreign  drug  will  be  driven,  slowly 
perhaps,  but  steadily,  by  native  competition  from  the 
China  market.  The  records  of  the  foreign  Customs 
and  the  consular  service  and  the  testimony  of  trav- 


* “ Legalized  coolie  emigration  from  China,”  says  Cordier,  “ was 
first  initiated  in  1859  by  Peh-kwei,  Gov'ernor  of  Kwangtung,  acting 
under  the  influence  of  the  British  and  French  authorities  then  in 
military  occupation  of  the  city  of  Canton,  and  was  conducted  under 
regulations  drawn  up  by  the  Allies  and  the  Chinese  authorities.”  It 
was  not  till  1866  that  a Code  of  Regulations,  agreed  to  by  Sir 
Rutherford  Alcock  and  Prince  Rung,  was  drawn  up  in  the  form  of 
a Convention,  and  promulgated. 


72 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


ellers  and  missionaries,  supply  evidence  on  this  point 
which  cannot  be  doubted.  The  process  is  seen  in 
full  operation  in  the  north,  notwithstanding  that  the 
prices  of  foreign  opium  have  been  greatly  reduced. 
Szechuan  opium  is  also  supplanting  the  foreign  drug 
on  the  Yangtsze,  the  distribution  being  largely  carried 
on  through  boatmen  and  land  smugglers.  In  For- 
mosa and  south  China  generally,  though  the  decline 
of  opium  imported  through  the  Customs  is  marked, 
the  consumption  is  said  to  be  not  greatly  on  the  de- 
crease, owing  presumably  to  contraband  supplies. 
The  native  article  does  not  as  yet  interfere  largely 
with  the  foreign  drug.  The  reason  for  this  is  sim- 
ple. The  opium  of  distant  Yunnan  and  Szechuan 
cannot  yet  compete  with  the  adulterated  Indian 
opium,  as  sold  at  the  ports  of  Formosa,  Amoy,  Swa- 
tau,  Pakhoi,  or  Floihau,  where  it  is  delivered  princi- 
pally by  means  of  junks  from  Singapore  and  Hong- 
kong; mainly,  of  course,  from  the  latter  place.  It 
resolves  itself  into  a simple  question  of  cost  and  car- 
riage. 

Without  entering  fully  into  the  controversy  re- 
garding this  burning  question  of  opium,  too  impor- 
tant to  be  discussed  hastily,  a few  words  on  the  sub- 
ject are  necessary.  The  truth  is  to  be  found  in  no 
violent  extremes,  but  in  the  happy  mean.  So  far  we 
have  had  two  quite  antagonistic  views  presented  to 
us — the  missionary  view,  adopted  by  the  Anti-Opium 
League,  and  the  official  or  consular  view,  adopted 
by  the  Government  of  India.  Read  one,  and  you 
learn  that  the  practice  brings  ruin  to  the  “teeming 

73 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


millions  ” of  China.  Listen  to  the  other,  and  you 
are  told  that  it  is  quite  a healthful  custom,  about  as 
harmless  as  the  use  of  tobacco,  and  suited  to  the 
idiosyncrasies  of  the  Chinese  constitution.  This,  of 
course,  is  not  the  letter  but  it  is  the  spirit  of  their 
opinions.  Now,  I shall  not  sketch  the  horrors  of 
the  “ black  smoke,”  nor  picture  the  abominations  of 
the  “ opium-den,”  which  have  been  greatly  exagger- 
ated. I have  seen  opium-dens  in  many  large  Chi- 
nese cities,  and  as  bad,  if  not  worse,  can  be  seen  any 
day  in  Constantinople  and  elsewhere.  On  the  other 
hand,  I am  not  among  those  who  can  defend  the 
practice,  for  I have  witnessed  under  exceptional  cir- 
cumstances— while  on  the  march  with  soldiers  and 
muleteers,  or  living  with  peasant  and  trader,  when 
entertained  in  the  official  yamen  or  lodging  in  the 
common  hostelry  — the  evil  effects  produced  by  it 
on  the  people  of  China.*  On  the  more  southern 
peoples  of  Tongking,  Annam,  Cochin-China,  Siam, 
Cambodia,  and  Burma,  with  all  of  whom  I am  ac- 
quainted, the  result  shows  itself  more  rapidly  and 
the  effect  is  more  fatal.!  Neither  physically  nor 


* On  this  subject  Hue  says : “ They  take  to  it  greedily  ; and  when 
once  the  habit  of  smoking  becomes  confirmed,  the  difficulty  of  re- 
linquishing it  is  exceedingly  great.  There  has,  no  doubt,  been 
much  exaggeration  in  what  has  been  talked  and  written  on  this 
subject.  But  on  the  testimony  of  Chinamen  themselves,  the  effects 
of  opium-smoking  must  be  regarded  as  injurious  to  health,  and  de- 
structive to  all  the  better  parts  of  man’s  nature.  Indulging  in  it 
prostitutes  the  intellectual  and  moral  faculties.” 

+ Behn-sah,  or  opium-smoker,  is  the  greatest  term  of  reproach 
that  can  be  applied  to  a Burman. 

74 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


morally  can  they,  as  regards  opium,  “stay  ” like  the 
Chinaman.  That  the  habit  is  pernicious,  capable  of 
great  abuse,  and  that  it  saps  away  the  energies  of 
body  and  mind,  I arn  convinced.  But  this  opinion 
is  founded  merely  upon  personal  observation.  To 
accurately  ascertain  the  effects  of  opium,  what  is 
greatly  wanted  is  some  precise  scientific  system  of 
inquiry. 

Sir  Robert  Hart  some  years  ago  evolved  an  elab- 
orate calculation  as  to  the  number  of  opium-smokers 
in  China,  based  upon  the  average  number  of  pipes, 
and  therefore  opium,  consumed  by  the  average  reg- 
ular smoker.  In  this  way  he  ascertained  that  only 
two-thirds  of  one  per  cent,  of  the  population,  or  only 
some  2,000,000  Chinamen,  smoked  opium.  Such  an 
estimate,  however,  would  hardly  appear  reasonable 
to  any  one  who  has  travelled  in  China.  The  data 
were  insufficient,  the  evident  weak  point  being  the 
degree  of  adulteration  practised,  which  varies  greatly, 
thus  affecting  the  average  amount  consumed. 

In  discussing  the  evil  effects  of  opium,  we  are  far 
too  apt  to  forget  that  there  is  such  a thing  in  our  own 
country  as  drunkenness.  The  Chinaman,  like  men 
of  other  races,  insists  upon  indulging  in  some  stimu- 
lant or  narcotic,  and  he  has  chosen  opium.  He  is 
by  no  means  a teetotaler,  as  usually  assumed ; ab- 
stinence societies  exist  in  China.  Still,  the  China- 
man generally  does  not  indulge  in  beer  or  wine,*  and 

* According  to  Dr.  Martin,  “ liquor  makes  a man  noisy  and 
furious,  opium  makes  him  quiet  and  rational.  The  drinker  com- 
mits crime  when  he  has  too  much,  the  opium-smoker  when  he  has 

75 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


his  samshu  is  a weakly  substitute.  The  vice  which 
it  pleases  him  to  indulge  is,  therefore,  opium.  We 
have  not  yet  succeeded  in  introducing  temperance, 
far  less  abstinence,  into  England,  and  one  might  as 
soon  expect  the  average  Briton  to  give  up  his  beer 
or  spirits  as  the  Chinaman  his  pipe.  In  neither  case 
can  man  be  made  moral  by  Act  of  Parliament.  In 
any  case,  no  reform  is  likely  to  come  from  the  man- 
darinate,  who  are  almost  without  exception  slaves 
to  the  habit,  while  the  few  free  from  it  are  power- 
less against  it.  Reform  must  come,  if  ever  it  does, 
from  the  people  themselves.  If  not  altogether  a 
sincere  belief  with  Chinamen,  it  is  at  least  a highly 
convenient  argument,  and  much  used  by  them,  that 
we  are  largely  responsible  for  the  prevalence  of  the 
habit ; and  not  only  the  officials  and  literati,  but 
even  a few  foreigners  have  done  their  best  to  foster 

O 

the  idea.  True  or  not,  the  charge  is  one  difficult  to 
meet  so  long  as  Government  preserves  its  present 
attitude  with  regard  to  Indian  opium. 

That  the  Chinese  are  taking  any  serious  steps 
towards  the  suppression  of  the  drug  is  not  to  be 
credited,  least  of  all  by  any  one  who  has  traversed 
the  interior  of  China.  Like  the  Abbe  Hue,  from 
jDersonal  experience  gained  in  Chinese  travel  every 

too  little.  . . . Alcohol  imprints  on  the  face  a fiery  glow;  opium  an 
ashy  paleness.  Alcoholic  drinks  bloat  and  fatten  ; opium  emaciates. 
A drunkard  may  work  well  if  kept  from  his  cups;  an  opium- 
smoker  is  good  for  nothing  until  he  has  had  his  pipe.  It  takes 
years  for  alcohol  to  reduce  a man  to  slavery  ; opium  rivets  its  fetters 
in  a few  weeks  or  months.  It  does  not  take  the  place  of  either  to- 
bacco or  alcoholic  drinks.” — A Cycle  of  Cathay. 

76 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


observer  can  say : “ Pendant  notre  long  voyage  en 
Chine,  nous  n’avons  pas  rencontre  un  seul  tribunal 
oil  on  ne  fumat  I’opium  ouvertement  et  impunement,” 
It  is  found  in  many  provinces  growing  under  the 
walls  of  nearly  every  yamen  or  court-house.  All 
travellers  are  agreed  in  this,  that  Yunnan  and  Sze- 
chuan opium  is  rapidly  increasing  in  quantity  and 
improving  in  quality.  It  is  fast  forcing  its  way  to 
the  seaboard,  being  already  brought  there  and 
shipped  along  the  coast,  although  as  yet  in  small 
quantities.  The  poppy  is  spreading  over  other 
provinces,*  and  as  the  value  of  the  crop  is  double 
that  of  wheat,  it  is  fast  replacing  that  dry-weather 
crop.  The  use  of  the  Indian  drug  since  the  im- 
provement of  the  native  article  is  becoming,  slowly 
but  surely,  a luxury  only  for  the  more  affluent  trader 
or  official.  Perfected  still  more,  fashion  will  give  its 


* A Chinese  censor  in  1830  represented  to  the  Throne  that  the 
poppy  was  grown  over  one-half  the  province  of  Chekiang,  and  in 
1836  another  stated  that  the  annual  produce  of  opium  in  Yunnan 
could  not  be  less  than  several  thousand  piculs.  In  1884  it  was  esti- 
mated that  southwest  China,  including  Szechuan,  produced  not 
less  than  224,000 piculs,  while  the  entire  import  from  India  did  not 
exceed  100,000.  Opium-smoking  seemingly  commenced  in  China 
forty  or  fifty  years  before  the  English  began  to  import  opium  into 
that  country.  Referring  to  Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  Bourne  was 
told  that : “ About  five  generations  here  had  smoked  opium.  Culti- 
vation of  the  poppy  began  on  an  extensive  scale  at  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  K‘ien-lung  (1796).  Then  opium  was  worth  its  weight  in 
silver."  “ If  this  be  true,”  Bourne  remarks,  ‘‘  one  can  readily 
understand  how,  as  the  habit  spread  east,  the  Canton  merchants 
would  have  made  inquiry  of  the  East  India  Company’s  factors 
in  Canton,  and  how  there  would  have  been  a trial  shipment  from 
India.” 


77 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


imprimatur  to  the  native  article,  and  then  the  for- 
eign drug  will  be  doomed. 

Silk  of  varying  quality  is  grown  in  most  provinces 
of  China.  Steam  filatures,  of  which  there  are  25, 
having  8040  spindles,  have  been  established  under 
European  management  in  Chifu,  Shanghai,  Chin- 
kiang,  Hankau,  and  Canton,  and  have  greatly  devel- 
oped the  silk  trade. 

The  cotton-growing  country  stretches  from  Shang- 
hai to  Hankau,  and  thence  to  Tchang.  Northern 
Szechuan  also  grows  cotton.  Raw  cotton  is  not 
grown  cheaply  in  China.  There  are  at  present  13 
cotton-mills  at  work,  and  the  erection  of  others  has 
already  been  commenced.  The  number  of  spindles 
is  417,000  and  of  looms  2100.  The  output  of 
these  mills  is  large,  and  already  has  become  one 
of  the  important  factors  in  the  industrial  develop- 
ment of  the  Far  East. 

The  Western  world  got  many  things  from  China, 
and  many  others  were  in  use  in  the  Chinese  Empire 
before  they  were  known  to  us.  The  mariner’s  com- 
pass, gunpowder,  the  use  of  the  umbrella,  belong  to 
the  first  category,  and  possibly  some  of  the  following 
also  : The  system  of  civil-service  examinations,  the 
early  telegraph  (signal -towers),  bull-fights,  theatres, 
novels,  the  census,  the  rotation  of  crops,  printing, 
incubators,  bank-notes,  newspapers,  and  inoculation 
for  small-pox. 

The  mineral  wealth  of  China,  perhaps  the  greatest 
of  any  country  on  the  world’s  surface,  is  as  yet  hardly 
touched,  while  there  is  a vast  store  of  human  energy 

78 


THE  ECONOMIC  QUESTION 


in  the  people  of  China  to  develop  that  wealth.  A 
great  force  at  present  runs  to  waste  in  the  shape  of 
the  water-power,  the  numberless  water-falls  and  wa- 
ter-ways, at  present  unutilized. 

In  reviewing  the  general  economic  condition  of 
the  Chinese  Empire  we  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  by 
the  fact  that,  though  progress  has  been  at  a stand- 
still for  centuries,  many  of  the  products  of  China 
not  only  hold  their  own  in  the  markets  of  the  world, 
but  are  in  some  cases  unrivalled.  Again,  though 
the  tools  used  by  the  Chinese  in  their  manufactures 
and  arts  are  as  a rule  most  primitive,  the  results  are 
remarkable,  and  sometimes  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
European  with  his  improved  methods  and  up-to-date 
machinery  and  mechanism.  If  the  Chinese  have 
been  able  to  accomplish  so  much  with  so  little  ad- 
ventitious aid,  it  surely  requires  no  great  foresight 
to  be  able  to  foretell  that,  when  the  spirit  of  progress 
is  really  abroad  in  the  land,  when  modern  improve- 
ments and  methods  are  studied  and  adopted  by  the 
people,  the  Chinaman  will  occupy  a leading  posi- 
tion among  his  contemporaries  in  the  world  of  com- 
merce and  manufacture. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 

The  first  organic  need  of  all  civilized  States,  and 
pre-eminently  so  in  a country  so  vast  and  so  various 
in  its  terrestrial  conditions  as  China,  is  arterial  com- 
munication. This  need  has  been  fully  recognized  by 
its  rulers,  who  have  from  time  to  time  made  serious 
efforts  to  connect  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  Em- 
pire by  both  land  and  water  routes. 

The  “ Grand  Canal  ” or  Yun  ho,  so  often  spoken 
of  by  travellers  in  past  times,  is,  in  its  way,  as  great 
a monument  of  human  industry  as  the  Great  Wall, 
although  perhaps  at  first  sight  it  may  seem  less 
wonderful.  Not  a canal  in  the  Western  sense  of  the 
word,  it  is  merely,  as  has  been  explained,  “ a series 
of  abandoned  river-beds,  lakes,  and  marshes,  con- 
nected one  with  another  by  cuttings  of  no  impor- 
tance, fed  by  the  Wan  ho  (or  Tawan  ho),  in  Shan- 
tung, which  divides  into  two  currents  at  its  summit, 
and  by  other  streams  and  rivers  along  its  course. 
A part  of  the  water  of  the  Wan  ho  descends  towards 
the  Hoang  ho  and  Gulf  of  Pechili ; the  larger  part 
runs  south  in  the  direction  of  the  Yangtsze.”* 


* Richthofen. 
8o 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


It  has  generally  the  aspect  of  a winding  river,  of 
varying  width.  As  related  by  Marco  Polo,*  the 
Emperor  Kublai  Khan,  towards  the  end  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  created  the  Yun  ho — i.c.,  “ River  of 
Transports,”  as  it  was  named — chiefly  by  connecting 
river  with  river,  lake  with  lake.  Even  before  that 
epoch  goods  were  conveyed  partly  by  water  and 
partly  by  land  from  the  Yangtsze  to  the  Pei  ho 
basin.  The  Grand  Canal  connects  Hangchau,  in 
Chekiang,  with  Tientsin,  in  Chihli,  where  it  unites 
with  the  Pei  ho,  and  thus  may  be  said  to  extend  to 
Tungchau,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Peking.  After 
leaving  Hangchau,  it  skirts  the  eastern  border  of 
the  Tai  hu,  or  Great  Lake,  surrounding,  in  its  course, 
the  beautiful  city  of  Suchau,  and  then  runs  in  a 
northwesterly  direction  through  the  fertile  districts 
of  Kiangsu  as  far  as  Chinkiang,  on  the  Yangtsze. 
Thence  it  passes  through  Kiangsu,  Anhwei,  Shan- 
tung, and  Chihli,  to  Tientsin.  When  the  canal  was 
in  order,  before  the  inflow  of  the  Yellow  River  failed, 
there  was  uninterrupted  water  communication  from 
Peking  to  Canton,  and  to  the  many  cities  and  towns 
met  with  en  route. 

P'or  many  years  past,  but  especially  since  the  car- 
riage of  tribute-rice  by  steamers  along  the  coast  be- 
gan, repairs  to  the  Grand  Canal  have  been  practically 

* “ You  must  understand,”  says  Marco  Polo,  “that  the  Emperor 
has  caused  a water  communication  to  be  made  from  this  city  (Kwa- 
chau)  to  Cambaluc,  in  the  shape  of  a wide  and  deep  channel  dug 
between  stream  and  stream,  lake  and  lake,  forming,  as  it  were,  a 
great  river  on  which  large  vessels  can  ply.”— Yule’s  Marco  Polo, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  136. 


F 


81 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


abandoned.  Numberless  instances  of  the  manner  in 
vvhicli  the  water-ways  and  the  river  embankments 
are  neglected  could  be  given.  Nothing  is  attempted 
till  too  late,  and  several  hundred  coolies,  sometimes 
thousands,  are  requisitioned  and  hurried  off  to  un- 
dertake what  could  be  done  by  a few  men  and  a lit- 
tle application  of  mechanical  skill,  if  taken  in  time. 
The  his/her  waters  of  the  streams  and  rivers  are  dif- 
ficult  to  navigate.  But  the  absence  of  cataracts,  the 
cheapness  of  wages,  and  the  small  value  of  time,  and 
even  of  life,  it  may  be  said,  make  it  possible  for  the 
Chinese  to  employ  boat  navigation  advantageously 
where  the  difficulty,  expense,  and  risk  would  make  it 
a sheer  impossibility  in  any  part  of  Europe.  The  Chi- 
naman drags  his  boat  over  rapids  that  in  most  coun- 
tries would  form  an  absolute  barrier  to  navisfation. 

O 

He  takes  them  across  shallows  only  a couple  of  inch- 
es deep  and  flowing  with  great  velocity  over  a pebbly 
or  shingly  bottom.  The  amount  of  freight  carried  in 
this  manner  in  the  face  of  almost  superhuman  diffi- 
culties is  astounding.  Little  has  been  attempted  to 
maintain,  nothing  has  been  done  to  improve,  either 
by  land  or  water,  the  inter- provincial  communica- 
tions, the  urgent  necessity  above  all  else  for  China. 

The  roads  in  China,  confined  generally  to  the 
northern  and  western  sections  of  the  country,  are 
proverbially  the  very  worst  in  the  world.  The  typi- 
cal western  China  road  is  a thing  to  be  experienced, 
it  cannot  be  described. 

“ The  paving  is  of  the  usual  Chinese  pattern,”  says  Baber,  “ rough 
bowlders  and  blocks  of  stone  laid  somewhat  loosely  together  on  the 

82 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


surface  of  the  ground ; ‘ good  for  ten  years  and  bad  for  ten  thou- 
sand,’ as  the  Chinese  proverb  admits.  On  the  level  plains  of  China, 
in  places  where  the  population  is  sufficiently  affluent  to  subscribe 
for  occasional  repairs,  this  system  has  much  practical  value.  But  in 
the  Yunnan  Mountains  the  roads  are  never  repaired;  so  far  from  it, 
the  indigent  natives  extract  the  most  convenient  blocks  to  stop  the 
holes  in  their  hovel  walls,  or  to  build  a fence  on  the  windward  side 
of  their  poppy  patches.  The  rain  soon  undermines  the  pavement, 
especially  where  it  is  laid  on  a steep  incline;  whole  sections  of  it 
topple  down  the  slope,  leaving  chasms  a yard  or  more  in  depth ; 
and  isolated  fragments  balance  themselves  here  and  there,  with  the 
notorious  purpose  of  breaking  a leg  or  spraining  an  ankle.”* 

Where  travelling  by  water  is  impossible,  sedan- 
chairs  are  used  to  carry  passengers,!  and  coolies 
with  poles  and  slings  transport  the  luggage  and 
goods.  The  distances  covered  by  the  sedan-chair 
j3orters  across  these  highland  roads  are  remarkable, 
sometimes  as  much  as  thirty-five  miles  daily,  even 
on  a journey  extending  over  a month,  and  with  only 
a few  days’  halt  altogether. 

The  transport  animals — ponies,  mules,  oxen,  and 
donkeys — are  very  strong  and  hardy,  and  manage  to 
drag  the  carts  along  the  most  execrable  roads,  six 
or  eight  animals  being  harnessed,  often  as  a mixed 

* China.  No.  3.  1878. 

t “ No  traveller  in  western  China  who  possesses  any  sense  of 
self-respect,”  says  Baber,  “ should  journey  without  a sedan-chair, 
not  necessarily  as  a conveyance,  but  for  the  honor  and  glory  of  the 
thing.  Unfurnished  with  this  indispensable  token  of  respectability, 
he  is  liable  to  be  thrust  aside  on  the  highway,  to  be  kept  waiting  at 
ferries,  to  be  relegated  to  the  worst  inn’s  worst  room,  and  generally 
to  be  treated  with  indignity  or,  what  is  sometimes  worse,  with  fa- 
miliarity, as  a peddling  footpad  who,  unable  to  gain  a living  in  his 
own  country,  has  come  to  subsist  on  China.  A chair  is  far  more 
effective  than  a passport.” 


83 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


team,  in  a cart  drawing  about  a ton.  Many  descrip- 
tions of  travel  in  aspringless  Chinese  cart  have  been 
attempted,  but  no  pen  can  reproduce  the  sensation. 
The  ponies  of  western  China  are  admirable,  a rougher 
edition  of  the  Shan  or  Burma  pony,  hardier  and  more 
enduring.  The  mules  are  unequalled  in  any  other 
country.  The  distances  ponies  and  mules  will  cover 
are  surprising,  and  this  on  the  very  poorest  of  fod- 
der. Their  endurance  and  patience  are  equalled 
only  by  the  coolies.  The  two-humped  or  Bactrian 
camel  met  with  at  Peking,  and  employed  in  the 
Mongolian  trade,  is  characteristic  of  Mongolia,  where 
the  one-humped  species  common  in  Turkistan  is  un- 
known. 

From  Peking  four  high-roads  branch  in  various 
directions,  one  leading  to  Urga,  by  way  of  Suenhwa 
fu,  which  traverses  the  Great  Wall  at  Chankeakou ; 
another  which  enters  Mongolia  through  the  Ku-pei- 
kou  in  the  northeast,  and  after  reaching  Fungning 
proceeds  with  a northwesterly  bearing  to  Dolonor; 
a third  going  due  east  by  way  of  Tungchau  and 
Yungping  fu  to  Shanhaikwan,  the  point  on  the  shore 
of  the  Gulf  where  the  Great  Wall  terminates ; and 
fourthly,  one  which  leads,  in  a southwesterly  direc- 
tion, to  Paoting  fu  and  on  to  Taiyuen  fu  in  Shansi. 

The  Central  Asian  trade  route  from  Sian  fu,  turn- 
ing northwest,  leaving  the  fertile  loess  valley  of  the 
Wei  and  traversing  the  once  rich  but  now  devastat- 
ed and  depopulated  hills  and  valleys  of  Shensi  and 
Kansu  as  far  as  the  confines  of  the  Gobi  Desert, 
passes  through  a country  of  great  agricultural  wealth, 

84 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


possessed  of  a magnificent  coal  and  probably  also  iron 
supply.  The  only  line  of  approach  for  a railway 
from  Central  Asia  to  central  China  and  the  Yangtsze 
basin  is  the  present  cart-road  from  Sian,  leading 
south  of  the  Yellow  River  to  Honan,  Funcheng,  and 
Hankau.  From  its  favorable  position,  Honan,  ac- 
cording to  Colonel  Mark  Bell,*  is  destined  to  be  a 
great  future  railway  centre,  for  thence  at  least  two 
good  lines  can  be  carried  to  Hankau,  while  it  is  an 
easy  passage  via  Kaifong  to  Peking.  The  iron  and 
coal  of  Shansi  can  be  tapped  by  a line  from  Tung- 
kwan  up  the  valley  of  the  Fuenho  to  Taiyuen  fu  and 
beyond.  The  tunnelling  required  in  the  Shansi 
hills  for  a line  to  Peking  could  pass  through  strata 
of  coal,  which  is  also  found  in  northern  Shensi. 
Richthofen  very  properly  lays  special  stress  upon  the 
value  of  the  Tungkwan  road,  as  “ of  supreme  im- 
portance in  a political  and  strategical  respect,  as  it 
mediates,  without  exception,  the  entire  traffic  between 
the  southwest  of  the  Empire  (Szechuan,  Yunnan,  and 
Tibet)  and  Peking,  together  with  the  whole  north- 
east. It  is  one  of  the  chief  roads  of  travel  in  China, 
and  the  greatest  military  road.” 

The  commercial  importance  of  the  Wei  Valley  is 
emphasized  by  Richthofen  and  other  travellers.  It 
is  the  centre  of  gravity  and  also  resistance  of  Mid- 
China;  cut  off,  however,  from  the  rest  of  the  Em- 
pire by  mountainous  or  hilly  regions,  it  is  at  present 
most  difficult  to  reach. 


Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  April,  1890. 

85 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  chief  causes  of  the  backward  and  decaying 
condition  of  the  northern  as  compared  with  the  cen- 
tral and  southern  provinces  seem  to  be  these  : i. 
The  deterioration  of  the  climate,  due  to  the  persist- 
ent destruction  of  the  forests,  and  failure  to  take  any 
steps  to  renew  them.  In  the  north,  for  example, 
from  Hankau  to  Peking,  mountains  and  hills  are 
destitute  of  trees  and  shrubs,  and  present  a most  for- 
bidding appearance.  2.  The  neglected  state  of  the 
means  of  inter-communication.*  When  the  country 
was  flourishing,  some  of  the  roads  were  in  a fairly 
good  condition;  now  they  are  almost  impassable. 
Hence  the  congested  state  of  certain  districts  in  the 
north,  especially  Honan. 

The  three  great  enemies  of  the  supreme  Govern- 
ment in  China  have  been  famine,  provincial  auton- 
omy, and  rebellion.  Famines  are  caused  in  China 
by  various  calamities.  Locusts  and  rats  may  devour 
the  growing  crop  of  a whole  province ; deficient 
rainfall  may  prevent  the  crops,  particularly  on  the 
loess,  from  coming  to  maturity ; or  unseasonable 
snow  on  the  highlands  or  heavy  and  continuous  rain- 
fall may  breach  the  dikes  and  cause  inundation, 
thus  bringing  starvation  and  its  accompanying  hor- 
rors home  to  millions.  China,  however,  is  a land  of 
such  variety  and  contrast  that,  though  there  may  be 
famine  in  one  or  more  provinces,  at  the  same  time 
there  may  be  abundance  in  neighboring  ones.  But 

* Coal,  in  Shansi  costing  thirteen  cents  per  ton  at  the  mine,  is 
four  taels  at  thirty  miles’  distance,  and  over  seven  taels  at  sixty 
miles’. 


86 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


here,  as  elsewhere,  without  communications,  a failure 
of  the  local  crops  means  famine ; while  a bumper 
harvest  depreciates  the  value  of  the  produce,  so  as 
scarcely  to  repay  the  labor  of  reaping.  It  is  mainly 
the  difficulty  encountered  by  the  Government  in 
transporting  the  food  supply  that  leads  to  the  ter- 
rible loss  of  life.  To  carry  for  long  distances  the 
enormous  amount  of  grain  required,  over  terribly  de- 
fective roads — especially  in  the  north,  where  no  good 
water-way  exists — is  an  impossible  task. 

The  story  of  the  1878  famine  illustrates  well  what 
such  a calamity  means  in  China.  In  that  year 
Shansi  and  large  portions  of  Chihli,  Shensi,  Shan- 
tung, and  Honan  were  suffering  at  the  same  time 
from  famine.  In  Shansi  it  was  at  its  worst.  The 
people  there  were  hemmed  in  by  a belt  of  famine- 
stricken  country  which  it  took  weeks  to  cross.  The 
poor  peasantry  clung  to  their  homes  until  their  last 
cash  was  spent,  praying  each  day  for  rain  that  nev^er 
came,  and  vainly  awaiting  the  Government  relief. 
At  last,  penniless  and  weakened  by  starvation,  they 
started — sometimes  with  wives  and  children,  some- 
times abandoning  these— on  their  march  to  reach 
the  food  districts.  Few  succeeded.  A consular 
officer,  despatched  on  a merciful  mission,  says  that 
of  the  thousands  who  thus  attempted  to  escape  only 
those  on  the  outer  confines  of  the  famine  district  suc- 
ceeded in  doing  so.  The  Chinese  Government  has 
been  the  subject  of  considerable  opprobrium  in  con- 
nection with  famines,  but  its  character  for  apathy 
and  incapacity  is  not  altogether  deserved.  The  his- 

87 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tory  of  Indian  famines  should  make  us  reflect  be- 
fore we  too  severely  blame  the  Chinese  Government 
for  its  want  of  success  in  famine  relief.  The  system 
and  appliances  were  faulty.  The  Government,  find- 
ing itself  powerless  to  deal  with  the  transport,  was 
compelled  to  attempt  relief  by  distributing  money. 
The  cost  of  cart  transport  from  the  Chihli  plain  to 
Shansi  was  officially  stated  to  be  £\2  per  ton!  In 
addition  to  want  of  communications,  official  corrup- 
tion, as  usual,  found  its  opportunity.  Thus  came 
about  the  strange  anomaly  that,  while  people  were 
suffering  from  starvation,  relief  was  generally  given 
in  money  rather  than  grain.  When  money  began  to 
fail,  and  general  staiwation  set  in,  the  Government 
imported  silver  as  fast  as  it  could,  impressing  into 
the  service  all  available  carts  and  animals.  But  the 
official  rate  of  hire  is  considerably  below  the  ordi- 
nary one,  and  there  are  other  obvious  reasons  why 
Government  work  is  unpopular  in  China.  The 
transport  owners,  therefore,  avoided  all  parts  where 
“ requisition  ” was  liable  to  be  enforced,  and  the 
Government  scheme  of  transport  was  brought  to  a 
stand-still.  The  rates  were  then  raised  to  the  market 
standard,  but  much  time  had  been  lost,  and  in  the 
mean  time  thousands  upon  thousands  died  from 
want.  The  wolves  attacked  not  only  children  but 
adults,  in  broad  daylight  and  in  the  village  streets. 
There  is  no  need  to  dwell  further  upon  the  hor- 
rible scene ; it  is  sufficient  to  state  that  the 
consumption  of  human  flesh  became  a practice, 
and  grew  to  frightful  proportions,  it  being  stated 

88 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


that  five  people  out  of  ten  in  Shansi  learned  its 
taste. 

So  long  as  China  was  absolutely  cut  off  from  the 
rest  of  the  world,  so  long,  even,  as  she  was  not 
impinged  upon  or  hemmed  in,  as  she  now’  is,  by 
Western  Pow'ers,  it  w’as  quite  possible  for  the  Eni- 
pire  to  hold  together,  loose  as  the  system  was 
throughout.  But  two  disintegrating  processes  have 
been  at  work.  While,  on  the  one  hand,  foreign 
nations  have  closed  in  upon  China  both  by  sea  and 
land,  internal  communications  have  been  gradually 
falling  into  greater  and  greater  neglect.  The  grow’- 
ing  w’eakness  of  the  Peking  Government  has,  for  a 
long  time  past,  been  becoming  more  and  more  ap- 
parent to  the  people  and  the  officials,  whose  confi- 
dence had  been  completely  shaken,  even  before  the 
shock  of  recent  events.  The  enfeebled  control  exer- 
cised over  most  of  the  eighteen  provinces,  especially 
over  those  remote  from  the  capital,  is  largely  due  to 
Peking  being  at  the  extremity  of  the  country  and 
to  the  defective  condition  of  the  communications. 
“Chinese”  Gordon  laid  great  stress  on  the  impor- 
tance of  having  the  capital  central,  and  he  w’as  right. 
The  influence  of  the  Peking  Government  is  ex- 
hausted before  it  can  reach  the  southern  and  w'est- 
ern  provinces.  The  same  cause  that  kills  trade  on 
its  w’ay  inland  paralyzes  the  authority  of  Peking  a 
few  hundred  miles  from  the  capital.  Absence  of 
communication  means  failure  of  control,  lack  of 
power,  want  of  grip ; causes  which  chiefly  contribute 
to  the  frequent  occurrence  of  rebellions. 

89 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


If  communications  are  a necessity  to  the  Govern- 
ment in  checking  famine,  crushing  the  secret  socie- 
ties which  sow  the  seeds  of  rebellion,  and  generally 
in  effecting  good  government,  their  value  for  pur- 
poses of  defence  and  in  time  of  war  can  hardly  be 
over-estimated.  The  importance  of  railways  in  war- 
time has  been  fully  illustrated  in  Europe,  especially 
in  the  Franco-German  campaign,  and  was  lately  ex- 
emplified in  Japan.  The  rapidity  and  persistency 
with  which,  in  face  of  grave  financial  difficulties, 
Germany,  Austria,  Russia,  and  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment have  for  years  been  laying  down  strategic  lines 
shows  the  confidence  felt  in  their  value.  This  lesson 
should  have  been  taken  to  heart  by  China,  which 
should  have  adopted  organization  under  Western 
guidance.  To  have  had  the  power  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Chino-Japanese  War  of  concentrating  on  the 
northern  border,  suddenly  and  without  fear  of  inter- 
ruption, a European -drilled  army,  however  small, 
might  have  prevented  things  drifting  into  a serious 
war;  and  Russia  might  have  thought  twice  before 
executing  the  cotip  de  main  on  the  Liaotung  penin- 
sula and  Port  Arthur. 

Much  remains  to  be  accomplished  by  steam 
navigation,  though  the  rapid  adoption  of  steamers 
along  the  coast  and  on  the  Yangtsze  has  paved  the 
way  for  the  railway.  Shallow  steamers  have  yet  to 
traverse  the  Poyang  and  Tungting  lakes,  which  lie 
next  the  Yangtsze,  and  the  P^i  ho  and  Canton 
rivers,  as  well  as  many  minor  streams.  But  it  is 
railways  that  are  the  supreme  necessity.  Except 

90 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


along  the  Yangtsze,  for  the  thousand  odd  miles  now 
covered  by  steamers,  there  is  no  single  trade  route  of 
importance  in  China  where  a railwa}^  would  not  pay. 
Especially  would  a line  from  Peking,  carried  through 
the  heart  of  China  to  the  extreme  south,  along  the 
existing  trade  highways,  be  advantageous  and  re- 
munerative. The  plain-lands,  with  defective  water- 
ways, where  small  craft  only  are  now  available ; even 
the  table-lands,  less  peopled  than  the  river  valleys, 
yet  often  rich,  could  profitably  be  covered  with  rail- 
ways. The  enormous  traffic  carried  on  throughout 
the  Empire,  in  the  face  of  appalling  difficulties,  on 
men’s  backs,  by  caravans  of  mules  or  ponies,  by  the 
rudest  of  carts  and  wheelbarrows,  must  be  some 
day  undertaken  by  the  railway.  It  is  matter  for 
regret  that  the  few  Chinese  apostles  of  progress 
should  have  laid  such  importance  on  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  railway  for  strategic  purposes  only.  In 
the  interests  of  Europe  and  of  China  herself,  such 
lines  are  less  to  be  desired  than  inter -provincial 
trunk-lines,  highways  designed  for  administration 
and  commerce.  In  such  free  transit  throughout  the 
Empire,  China  would  have  found  wiser  and  safer 
means  of  defence.  It  was -only  by  opening  the  Em- 
pire and  peacefully  developing  its  resources,  thereby 
giving  to  all  foreign  nations  a commercial  interest 
in  the  country,  that  safety  was  to  be  found.  It  is 
only  by  such  measures  that  the  sudden  dissolution  of 
China  can  now  be  avoided.  Nothing,  perhaps,  can 
prevent  its  eventual  break-up. 

The  basis  of  railway  construction  should  be  the 

91 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


development  of  the  internal  or  inter-provincial  trade 
of  China,  the  interchange  of  the  varied  products 
of  a country  boasting  so  many  climates  and  soils. 
This  would  bring  prosperity  to  the  people,  render 
administrative  reform  possible,  and  open  China  “for 
the  Chinese,”  quite  as  much  as  for  the  European 
merchant  or  manufacturer;  and  this  should  be  the 
aim  of  Chinese  statesmen.  Thus  would  be  avmided 
the  enormous  waste  of  capital  which  has  occurred  in 
England,  where  double  the  requisite  amount  has 
been  expended  owing  to  want  of  system.  Consider 
the  advantages  to  be  gained.  Here  is  a country  of 
marvellous  resources,  with  a population  intelligent, 
peaceful,  industrious,  and  well-disposed  to  migration, 
and  yet  the  existing  means  of  transport,  whether  by 
road  or  canal,  are  failing  or  disused.  Once  judi- 
ciously begun,  who  can  doubt  the  rapid  and  profit- 
able extension  of  the  railway  throughout  China 
As  regards  the  Yangtsze  basin,  what  remains  to 
be  done,  first  by  steam  navigation  and  secondly  by 
railways,  will  be  dealt  with  later  on.  It  is  a mistake 
to  assume,  as  is  usually  done,  that  where  good  water 
communications  exist  railways  cannot  advantage- 
ously be  laid  down.  Instances  are  numerous  where 
such  railways  have  not  only  paid,  but  have  even  led 
to  an  increase  in  the  river  traffic ; for  example,  on 
some  American  rivers,  on  the  Ganges,  the  Irrawaddy, 
and  the  Rhine.  But  it  is  not  necessary  now  to  dis- 
cuss this  question  at  length.  There  are  more  press- 
ing needs,  as  for  instance  the  “ inter- provincial  ” 
railways  advocated  by  the  writer.  The  most  impor- 

92 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 

tant  lines  for  China  are  two  that  would  connect 
Peking,  Tientsin,  and  all  northern  China  with  central 
and  southern  China.  Through  trunk  lines  can  be 
carried  out  for  this  object  without  any  difficulty. 
They  would  pass  along  the  old-established  trade 
routes,  with  populous  cities  the  whole  way;  through 
eastern  Shansi  and  Honan  down  the  Han  Valley  to 
Hankau,  on  the  Yangtsze;  through  the  Great  Plain 
to  Chinkiang,  thence  to  the  Si  kiang  and  Canton. 
Such  lines  would  be  shafts  driven  through  the  heart 
of  China,  connecting  north  and  south.  For  the 
entire  distance,  some  thirteen  hundred  or  fourteen 
hundred  miles,  the  extent,  fertility,  and  variety  of  the 
soil,  through  a region  happily  situated  between  the 
extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  is  remarkable.  From  the 
north,  abounding  in  cotton  and  varieties  of  grain 
and  pulse,  to  the  south,  where  so  many  vegetable 
products  of  the  East  are  met,  the  redundant  popula- 
tion is  the  striking  feature.  A constant  succession 
of  villages,  towns,  and  cities,  already  the  scene  of 
industry  and  peddling  trade,  would  soon  be  trans- 
formed into  a picture  of  bustle  and  business.  Han- 
kau would  be  one  central  terminus  of  this  railway 
system  and  Chinkiang  another.  Many  proposed 
lines,  such  as  from  Shanghai  to  Hangchau  and 
Suchau,  and  from  Canton  to  Kaulun,  would  have 
various  advantages  to  recommend  them,  but  they 
are  all  local.  The  trunk  lines,  alone,  would  be  the 
regenerator  of  China.  They  would  galvanize  the 
trade  of  the  interior,  reveal  the  landlocked  provinces, 
and  really  “ open  up  ” the  Empire. 

93 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  first  railway  actually  opened  in  China  was 
the  small  line  from  Wusung  to  Shanghai,  laid  down 
in  1876  by  English  merchants,  and  a year  later 
acquired  by  the  local  authorities,  the  line  being 
taken  up  and  the  materials  removed  to  Formosa 
and  the  north.  The  next  railway  had  its  beginning 
in  a small  line  constructed,  for  conveyance  of  coal, 
from  the  Kaiping  mines  to  the  Petang  River,  and 
was  gradually  extended,  at  a very  slow  rate  of 
progress,  into  the  present  railway  system  of  some 
three  hundred  miles.  The  distance  (twenty-seven 
miles)  between  Tientsin  and  Tangku,  near  the  Taku 
forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pei  ho,  and  between  the 
latter  place  and  Kaiping  and  Tungshan  coal-fields, 
and  thence  beyond  Shanghaikwan  towards  Man- 
churia, is  now  traversed  by  a well-constructed  line 
laid  down  by  English  engineers.  Most  important 
of  all,  the  railway  from  Tientsin  to  Peking,  seventy- 
three  miles  in  length,  was  opened  to  traffic  last  sum- 
mer, and  is  likely  to  prove  an  important  factor  in 
the  question  of  railway  construction. 

It  has  been  evident  to  a few  of  the  leading 
Chinese  that  the  time  was  rapidly  coming  when 
foreigners  would  and  must  have  extended  freedom 
of  intercourse  with  the  interior  of  China;  when, 
if  the  country  were  not  opened  up  from  within  by 
the  Chinese  themselves,  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which 
demands  progress,  or  what  we  call  progress,  would 
be  too  much  for  her;  when  what  was  not  conceded 
to  reason  would  be  wrung  from  her  by  the  force  of 
circumstances ; culminating  in  the  dismemberment 


94 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


of  the  Empire.  The  vis  inertice  was  too  great,  how- 
ever, and  now  that  the  Powers  are  moving  in  China, 
with  Russia  pressing  forward  with  rapid  strides,  the 
decision  of  this  and  other  questions  no  longer  rests 
with  the  Chinese. 

Great  reliance  seems  to  be  placed  on  the  opening 
of  more  treaty  ports.  But  the  indefinite  multipli- 
cation of  such  ports  in  China  is  no  panacea  for  the 
stagnation  of  trade.  The  insufficiency  of  the  reme- 
dy has  been  clearly  shown  again  and  again.  China 
can  only  be  opened  by  the  introduction  of  railways 
and  the  adoption  of  a system  of  passports,  which 
would  secure  all  that  is  requisite  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  country,  obviate  the  necessity  of  minor 
asfencies  for  foreign  firms,  and  entail  little  or  no  ex- 
pense  on  the  part  of  foreign  Governments.  The 
railways  would,  of  course,  require  to  be  managed  at 
first  and  for  a long  time  by  foreigners,  and  this  might 
be  done  by  the  creation  of  another  service,  such  as 
the  Imperial  Customs,  which,  instead  of  opposing, 
would  be  a source  of  strength  to  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment. 

The  importance  of  rapid,  direct,  and  practicable 
communications  that  would  enable  the  Chinese  to 
develop  the  resources  of  their  territories,  and  to 
open  through  communication  with  their  neighbors, 
thus  providing  new  arteries  of  commerce,  is  an 
axiom  which  should  need  no  demonstration.  These 
communications  should  satisfy  industrial  and  com- 
mercial interests,  while  meeting  political  and  ad- 
ministrative necessities.  In  the  present  deplorable 

95 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


position  of  China,  no  measure  can  render  her  greater 
service  than  the  introduction  of  railways.  It  is 
indispensable  to  the  preservation  of  the  country. 
“Steam  or  anarchy,”  as  Williamson  said  thirty  years 
ago,*  are  the  only  alternatives  left  to  the  Chinese 
people.  The  people  are  not  only  prepared  for  rail- 
ways, but  these  would  no  more  disorganize  Chinese 
society  than  they  did  that  of  Western  countries,  for 
it  is  marvellous  how  soon  men  get  accustomed  to 
changes  which  are  for  their  benefit. 

* MeadcKvs,  a consular  officer,  writing  forty  years  ago,  indicated 
in  the  most  far-seeing  and  prophetic  work  yet  published  on  China 
the  inevitable  march  of  events.  .Vnd  Williamson,  a missionary, 
some  thirty  years  back,  showed  in  a clear  and  comprehensive  man- 
ner the  practicability  of  railways  and  the  necessity  for  their  intro- 
duction : “Great  numbers  would  find  employment  and  good  wages 
on  the  construction  of  the  works.  The  traffic  would  gradually,  as 
the  rails  were  laid  down,  assimilate  itself  to  the  habits  of  the  people, 
mines  and  new  sources  of  industry  would  be  brought  into  operation. 
The  agricultural  resources  would  be  greatly  developed,  and  com- 
merce in  all  its  branches  would  receive  a powerful  impulse.  The 
increased  lateral  traffic  would  absorb  the  present  carrying  trade, 
railways  would  bring  the  whole  Empire  under  the  control  of  the 
Central  Government,  put  an  end  to  rebellions,  would  place  com- 
merce on  a secure  basis,  equalize  the  administration  of  justice, 
modify  those  famines  which  so  often  threaten  and  so  frequently 
paralyze  portions  of  the  Empire;  moreover,  they  would  provide 
means  for  the  diffusion  of  knowledge.  They  would  introduce  a 
new  element  of  life  and  activity  among  the  people,  stir  up  dormant 
energies,  widen  the  spheres  of  observation,  develop  new  views, 
ev'olve  new  wants,  create  new  business,  and  destroy  obstructive 
prejudices.  They  would  increase  the  intercourse  and  harmony 
between  Europeans  and  Chinese,  bringing  buyers  and  sellers  face 
to  face.  They  would  place  the  transit  duties — that  source  of  so 
much  mischief— on  a satisfactory  footing:  and  in  short  would,  m a 
thousand  ways,  promote  the  advancement  and  happiness  of  the  peo- 
ple.”— Journeys  in  North  China. 

96 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 

The  extent  and  nature  of  railways  for  China 
should  be  modelled  closely  on  the  Indian  system, 
which  is  based  on  fifty  years’  experience,  the  study 
of  all  known  systems,  and  the  employment  of  the 
best  technical  skill  of  the  United  States  and  Ger- 
many. There  has  been  in  India  an  expansion  of 
commerce  which  forty  years  ago  would  have  been 
considered  impossible.  The  imports  and  exports  in 
that  time  have  risen  from  400  to  2000  million  ru- 
pees (in  1896).  In  1858  India  was  merely  a dealer 
in  drugs,  dyes,  and  luxuries.  Now  she  is  one  of 
the  largest  merchants  in  food  grains,  fibres,  and 
many  other  staples.  The  internal  economical  con- 
ditions of  China  to-day  are  very  much  the  same  as 
those  of  India  when  railways  were  introduced.  Con- 
trary to  expectation,  the  passenger  traffic  on  the 
Indian  railways  has,  from  the  first,  exceeded  the 
goods  traffic.*  China  is  better  off  per  man,  and  the 
Chinese  and  Indo-Chinese,  unlike  the  natives  of  In- 
dia, are  born  travellers  and  traders.! 


* The  increase  in  business  and  passenger  traffic  on  Indian  rail- 
ways in  fifty  years  is  as  follows: — 


Miles  Open 

No.  of  Passengers 

Tons  of  Goods 

In  1857  

In  1896  

288* 

20,400 

2 millions 
160  millions 

253,000 

32.500.000 

t Last  year,  immediately  after  its  opening,  I travelled  several 
times  over  the  Peking-Tientsin  line,  and  found  the  new  means  of 
conveyance  so  much  in  favor  that  crowds  were  travelling  to  and 
fro  for  the  mere  novelty  of  the  thing.  I was  forcibly  reminded  of 
G 97 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


In  China,  the  problem  to  be  solved  has  been  how 
to  beat  down  the  barriers  of  superstition  and  preju- 
dice, not  insurmountable  if  the  task  had  only  been 
undertaken  with  courage  and  persistence.  Similar 
difficulties,  some  sixty  years  ago,  obstructed  the  in- 
troduction of  the  first  railroad  into  England,  and  a 
later  example  offered  itself  in  India,  where  official 
discouragement  and  passive  obstructiveness  were 
encountered  by  those  who  introduced  the  railway. 
And  there  the  mandarins,  the  were  educated 

Englishmen.  Even  to  this  day  it  cannot  be  claimed 
that  railways  find  too  much  encouragement  from 
the  Government  of  India.  Inevitable  failure  was 
foretold  there.  The  floods,  the  white  ants,  caste, 
the  Eastern  sun  and  rains,  involving  impossibility 
of  maintenance,  the  indisposition  of  the  people  to 
alter  their  habits,  and  the  consequent  danger  of  re- 
bellion— all  these  arguments,  and  many  others,  were 
employed.  We  know  the  result.  The  obstacles 
assumed  to  be  insurmountable  in  India  melted  away 
before  persistent  and  judicious  effort,  as  they  would 
have  also  in  China.  It  was  contended,  too,  by  the 
officials,  that  no  passenger  traffic  could  ever  be 
counted  on.  Yet,  within  the  first  three  years  the 
passenger  traffic  largely  exceeded  the  goods,  and 
has  developed  in  an  extraordinary  degree. 

India  has  been  largely  developed  by  guaranteed 
lines,  the  State  reserving  the  power  to  take  over 
the  railways  after  twenty-five  years,  or  certain  recur- 

Biirma,  where  the  people  seem  positiv'ely  to  look  upon  railway 
travelling  as  an  added  joy  of  life. 

98 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


ring  periods,  and  retaining  a share  which  varies 
from  one-quarter  to  four-fifths  of  the  net  earnings. 
The  advantage  of  the  guarantee  system  is  that, 
independently  of  Government  budgets,  it  promotes 
rapid  railway  development  by  its  ready  supply  of 
funds,  which  are  available  even  in  times  of  crises, 
when,  otherwise.  Government  works  would  be 
stopped  and  the  entire  machinery  for  railway-mak- 
ing dislocated.  With  proper  provision  made  for  a 
settled  rate  of  progress  and  with  adequate  funds,  the 
establishments  are  kept  at  full  working  power,  and 
the  manifold  inconveniences  and  waste  arising  from 
spasmodic  action  are  avoided. 

The  guiding  principle  in  India  has  been,  and  still 
remains.  Government  power  of  control  and  of  pur- 
chase. The  States  reserves  (i)  Proprietary  rights; 
(2)  A directing  voice  in  the  construction  of  new 
lines  ; and  (3)  A share  in  the  benefits,  with  power  to 
protect  its  own  interests  and  to  regulate  competition. 
In  practice,  railways,  whether  in  the  hands  of  the 
State  or  of  private  companies,  are  bound  to  become 
a monopoly,  and  in  a country  like  China  it  is  imper- 
ative that  they  should  be  the  State  monopoly.  The 
general  good  and  the  safety  of  the  State  demand  it. 

“Military”  and  “famine”  railways  have  greatly 
reduced  the  average  profits  on  Indian  lines.  If 
ordinary  commercial  railways  had  been  pushed  for- 
ward with  greater  vigor,  much  of  this  cost  might 
have  been  avoided.  The  Government  of  India  has 
made  two  serious  mistakes — firstly,  in  adopting  a 
5'  6”  gauge,  and,  secondly,  when  they  found  that  too 

99 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


heavy  and  costly  for  rapid  extension,  by  deciding  on 
introducing  the  metre  gauge,  and  China  is  well  ad- 
vised in  choosing,  from  the  outset,  the  standard 
gauge  of  4'  8V'.  She  would  do  well  also  in  her 
methods  of  railway  construction  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  India,  w'here  all  the  lines  are  extremely 
well  built.  Generally  speaking,  the  difficulties  pre- 
sented by  the  physical  conditions  are  no  greater  in 
China  than  in  India. 

The  Indian  railways  steadily  increase  yearly  in 
value,*  and  when  the  lines  fall  in  they  will  bring  a 
great  and  constantly  growing  revenue  to  the  State. 
Financially  speaking,  this  is  the  brightest  prospect 
before  India.  Egypt,  too,  it  should  be  noted,  has 
been  saved  from  chaos  mainly  by  its  public  works, 
executed  under  English  control.  It  thus  offers  a 
valuable  object-lesson  as  regards  China.  The  finan- 
cial success  of  the  Burmese  railways  is  almost  un- 
precedented in  railway  construction  in  India,  and 
as  the  characteristics  of  Burma,  and  still  more  of  its 

* The  earnings  of  Indian  railways  compared  with  others  are  as 
follows  : 


India 5.46 

Great  Britain 3.60 

United  States 3 

.Australian  Colonies -~3f 


The  average  dividend  of  Burma  (4  per  cent.)  would  stand  well 
over  5 but  for  the  large  amount  of  extensions  going  on,  and  labor 
being  scarce  and  expensive. 

Railway  companies  pay  exceedingly  well  in  Japan.  On  the 
Government  lines  the  net  profit  amounts  to  more  than  10  per  cent, 
on  the  capital. 


100 


QUESTION  01''  COMMUNICATIONS 


people,  closely  resemble  those  of  China,  there  is 
strong  presumptive  evidence  that  success  will  attend 
Chinese  railway  construction. 

The  tendency  in  railway  building  is  everywhere 
towards  permanency,  especially  in  the  United  States 
and  India.  The  American  “pioneer”  class  of  rail- 
way is  quite  unsuited  to  either  India  or  China.  It 
is  only  in  new,  unpeopled  countries,  such  as  Austra- 
lia and  America  were,  that  economy  in  first  cost  is  a 
dominant  consideration;  in  China  it  should  be  solid- 
ity. The  conditions  in  America  on  the  one  hand, 
and  China  on  the  other,  are  absolutely  different — 
especially  as  regards  climate,  density  of  population, 
the  genius  of  the  people,  and  the  character  of  the 
government.  Under  the  American  system,  the  rail- 
way companies,  uncontrolled  and  unassisted  by  the 
State,  have  not  proved  a success,  even  financially. 
Such  a system  would  be  disastrous  for  China,  for  it 
leads  to  combinations  against  the  public  interest,  rail- 
way corporations  often  controlling  the  State.  India, 
which  has  20,000  miles  of  railway,  is  calculated 
to  require  60,000  miles,  and  China  should  have  at 
least  a similar  amount.  The  United  States  have 
one-third  the  mileage  of  the  world,  and  ten  times 
that  of  India,  but  in  America  railway-making  has 
been,  on  the  whole,  overdone. 

A point  of  importance  to  China  is  that,  out  of 
the  260,000  people  employed  on  Indian  railways, 
95.66  per  cent,  are  native.  Only  the  higher  posts 
are  held  by  Europeans,  and  in  China  these  propor- 
tions would  probably  be  even  more  in  favor  of  the 


101 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


native  element,  although  Europeans  are  required  to 
inspire  confidence,  to  organize  an  administration, 
and  to  train  the  natives. 

The  magnificent  coal  and  iron  supply  of  China 
gives  her  a great  advantage  in  the  matter  of  rail- 
ways over  India,  whose  supply  is  immensely  infe- 
rior both  in  quality  and  extent. 

Low  rates  will  be  a necessity  in  China.  A man 
can  travel  400  miles  in  India  within  twenty-four 
hours  for  the  sum  of  Si'.  4^/.  And  the  policy  of  low 
charges  has  answered  well,  the  people  on  its  adop- 
tion beginning  to  travel  and  send  their  produce  by 
rail.  The  rates  are  now  considered  to  be  “ suffi- 
ciently low  to  promote  trade,”  but  further  efforts 
to  draw  more  traffic  by  still  lower  prices  would 
doubtless  prove  effectual.  Animal  or  cart  carriage 
in  India  is  on  an  average  about  twelve  times  that 
by  railway.  For  example,  if  grain  has  to  travel  6oo 
miles  by  railway  and,  to  reach  its  destination,  50 
miles  by  road,  freight  charges  would  be  doubled. 
Or,  supposing  a 1200  miles  railway  radius  to  limit 
the  horizon  of  a particular  commodity  from  a sea- 
port, the  radius  without  railways  would  be  100 
miles.  Carriage  by  cart  in  Burma  is  much  more 
costly  than  in  even  India — from  24  to  192  times  the 
railway  charge,  according  to  locality  and  season, 
while  in  western  China  for  heavy  goods  such  as 
salt  and  pressed  cotton  it  is,  on  an  average,  one 
shilling  per  ton-mile.  Compare  this  with  the  half- 
penny charged  on  Indian  railways  ! 

There  would  seem  to  be  two  methods  of  railway 


102 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


policy  suitable  to  China:  (i)  State  construction,  un- 
der which  a “ Railway  Fund  ” should  be  raised  for  a 
period  of  twenty  or  twenty-five  years,  and  (2)  The 
Indian  guarantee  system,  under  which  free  land,  free 
surveys,  a certain  rate  of  interest  phis  a share  in 
profits,  are  the  chief  terms. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  at  great  length 
the  feasibility  of  this  or  that  line.  It  may  safely  be 
asserted,  however,  that,  in  order  to  join  Peking  or 
Tientsin  with  the  Yangtsze  basin,  and  that  again 
with  the  extreme  south,  no  unusual  difficulties  will 
have  to  be  overcome.  The  chief  obstacles  will  be 
the  bridging  of  the  Yellow  River  and,  in  the  case  of 
the  western  line,  some  heavy  hill  work  as  the  Yang- 
tsze basin  is  neared.  Between  the  Yangtsze  basin 
and  the  West  River  no  more  serious  difficulty  will 
be  encountered  than  the  “divide,”  at  an  altitude  of 
about  1000  feet.  The  work  would  be  nothing  more 
than  what  is  yearly  being  carried  out  in  many  parts 
of  the  world.  The  through  line  would  be  about 
1400  miles  long,  and  convert  the  present  journey  of 
eighty  or  eighty-five  days  into  one  of  two  or  three. 

Little  doubt  can  exist  that,  as  Richthofen  antici- 
pated years  ago,  China  will  eventually  be  connected 
direct,  via  Hami,  Lanchau,  and  Sian,  with  Europe 
by  rail,  “No  direct  connection  of  this  kind  is  possi- 
ble south  of  the  Wei  basin,”  he  says,  “and  any  road 
to  the  north  of  it  would  have  to  keep  entirely  north 
of  the  Yellow  River,  and  run  altogether  through 
desert  countries.”  The  same  reasons  which  confined 
the  commerce  of  China  with  the  West,  during  thou- 

103 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


sands  of  years,  to  the  natural  route  {^ia  Kami)  will 
be  decisive  as  regards  railway  communications.  For 
natural  facilities,  and  the  supply,  at  both  ends  of  the 
line,  of  populous,  productive,  and  large  commercial 
regions,  it  is  the  only  line.  The  whole  road  is  well 
provided  with  coal.  Kansu  rivals  Shansi  in  the  rich- 
ness and  extent  of  its  coal-fields.  No  department  of 
the  province,  north  of  the  Tsungling  Mountains,  ap- 
pears to  be  deficient  in  coal,  and  in  some  parts  a 
superabundance  of  it  is  said  to  exist.  The  coal  for- 
mation extends,  with  few  interruptions,  from  eastern 
Shansi  to  Hi,  through  30  degrees  of  longitude,  and 
is  also  found  near  Hi  and  Yarkhand.  There  is 
scarcely  an  instance  on  record,  remarks  Richthofen, 
“ where  so  many  favorable  and  essential  conditions 
co-operate  to  concentrate  all  future  intercourse,  on 
so  long  a line,  upon  one  single  and  definite  channel.” 
As  regards  railways  within  the  Empire,  the  Pe- 
king-Hankau  line  is  arranged  for  with  a so-called 
Belgian  syndicate,  and,  if  properly  executed,  should 
be  a good  line ; but  the  best  railway  under  contem- 
plation in  China  would  be  one  from  Peking,  via 
Tientsin  and  Chinkiang,  to  Hangchau,  with  an  ex- 
tension later  to  Canton.  The  line  would  pass  some 
forty  towns  with  an  average  population  of  25,000 
each,  and  a large  number  of  villages.  The  length 
of  the  Grand  Canal  from  Tientsin  to  Hangchau  is 
650  miles.  No  better  line  exists  in  the  world,  from 
the  point  of  view  of  population,  resources,  and  cheap- 
ness of  construction.  It  follows  the  most  important 
of  the  actual  routes  of  commerce  in  the  Empire, 

104 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


passes  the  greatest  possible  number  of  cities,  towns, 
and  villages,  and  connects  great  ports  with  rich  coal 
regions  of  established  value.*  Coal  and  iron  of  Q-reat 
value  are  found  in  large  areas  of  Shantung,  Chihli, 
and  Shansi,  as  shown  elsewhere,  and  the  coal-mines 
at  Kaiping,  in  northern  Chihli,  have  a yearly  increas- 
ing output  and  are  a decided  success.  It  is  probable 
that  northern  Cliina  will  prove,  if  not  first  in  rank, 
at  least  not  second  to  any  other  coal  - producing 
country  in  the  world. 

A few  words  regarding  the  chief  cities  passed  on 
the  proposed  line  may  not  be  out  of  place.  Tientsin, 
the  great  entrepot  of  northern  China,  is  situated  at 
the  junction  of  the  Grand  Canal  with  the  Pei  ho, 
and  is  8o  miles  from  Peking.  Its  trade  is  increas- 
ing by  leaps  and  bounds.  But  there  are  two  great 
obstructions  to  its  sea-borne  traffic:  i.  The  shallow 
bar  and  exposure  to  sea-winds,  which  confine  the 


* Subjoined  is  a table  showing  the  provinces,  chief  cities  with 
their  minimum  populations,  and  the  usual  estimate  of  the  popula- 
tion of  provinces  which  would  be  traversed  by  this  line  : 


Provinces 

Name  of  Chief 
Cities 

Minimum 
Population 
of  Cliief  Cities 

Usual  Estimate  of 
Population  of 
Provinces 

Chihli ] 

Pekincr 

800.000  f 

400.000  f 

200.000 
90,000 

300.000  1 

100.000  ! 

200.000  I 

400.000  J 

255.000  / 

400.000  s 

Tientsin  . . 

37,000,000 

\ 

.Shantiino^ 

C.h  i n;i  n 

29.000. 000 

36.000. 000 

Anhwei 

Wuhu 

1 

Kiangsu i 

Yangchau 

Chinkiang 

Nanking 

39,000,000 

1 

Suchau 

Chekiang ' 

Nincfno 

8,000,000 

Hangchau 

CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


trade  to  small  craft  and  sometimes  cause  enormous 
delays,  and  danger  even,  in  landing  mails.  2.  The 
three  months’  closure  in  winter,  which  offers  an  in- 
calculable check  to  the  flow  of  merchandise.  Chin- 
kiang  is  150  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yangtsze, 
at  the  junction,  of  that  river  and  the  Grand  Canal. 
It  is  a most  valuable  central  position  for  trade,  only 
requiring  communications  north  and  south.  Yang- 
chau  also  occupies  an  important  situation  for  com- 
merce, and  has  nearly  the  same  population  as  Hang- 
chau,  the  capital  of  the  Chekiang  province,  also  a 
great  centre  of  trade.  Suchau  is  more  populous 
than  Hangchau,  and  a greater  commercial  city.  Be- 
fore the  Taiping  rebellion  it  was  the  finest  in  China, 
and  is  now  rapidly  recovering  its  place  as  a manu- 
facturing and  trading  centre.  The  grain  which 
formerly  was  transported  to  Peking  by  canal,  now 
mostly  goes  by  the  “ China  Merchants  Company  ” 
steamers,  the  carriage  at  fancy  prices  enabling  the 
company  to  compete  with  British  steamers. 

The  Imperial  telegraphs  are  being  rapidly  extend- 
ed throughout  the  Empire.  There  are  lines  between 
Peking  and  Tientsin,  and  connecting  the  capital 
with  the  principal  places  in  Manchuria  to  the  Rus- 
sian frontier  on  the  Amur  and  the  Usuri;  while 
Niuchwang,  Chifu,  Shanghai,  Yangchau,  Suchau, 
the  seven  treaty  ports  on  the  Yangtsze,  Canton,  \Vu- 
chau,  Lungchau,  and  in  fact  most  of  the  principal 
cities  in  the  Empire,  are  now  connected  with  one 
another  and  with  the  capital.  The  line  from  Canton 
westward  passes  via  Yunnan  fu  to  Manwyne,  on  the 

106 


QUESTION  OF  COMMUNICATIONS 


borders  of  Burma.  Shanghai  is  in  communication 
with  Fuchau,  Amoy,  Kashing,  Shaoshing,  Ningpo, 
and  other  places.  Lines  have  been  constructed  from 
Fuchau  and  Canton,  and  between  Taku,  Port  Ar- 
thur, and  Seul ; and  the  line  along  the  Yangtsze 
valley  has  been  extended  to  Chungking.  By  an  ar- 
rangement made  with  the  Russian  telegraph  author- 
ities, the  Chinese  and  Siberian  lines  in  the  Amur 
valley  were  joined  in  the  latter  part  of  1892,  and 
there  is  overland  communication  between  Peking 
and  Europe  through  Russian  territory. 

Banking  in  China  is  carried  on  by  private  bank- 
ers, chiefly  by  Shansi  men,  established  in  most 
large  cities  and  towns.  The  system  is  fairly  com- 
plete. The  banks  issue  circular  letters  of  credit, 
and  remittance  by  draft  is  fully  arranged  for,  even 
to  the  remotest  districts  of  the  Empire.  There  are 
two  classes  of  banks,  exchange  banks  (which  sell 
drafts  on  distant  places  and  make  advances)  and 
local  banks  or  cash  shops  (which  borrow  money  from 
the  exchange  banks  and  lend  it  to  small  traders,  and 
also  act  as  money-lenders).  In  China,  banks  do 
not,  as  a rule,  advance  against  goods,  but  merely  on 
personal  security. 

The  postal  service  of  China,  a primitive  business 
from  the  Western  standpoint,  is  carried  on  by  means 
of  post-carts  and  runners.  There  are,  besides,  nu- 
merous private  postal  couriers,  and  during  the  win- 
ter, when  the  approach  to  the  capital  is  closed  by  sea 
and  river,  a service  between  the  office  of  the  Foreign 
Customs  at  Peking  and  the  outports  is  maintained. 

1 07 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  Chinese  have  always  been  great  believers 
in  their  own  postal  system,  as  in  everything  else 
Chinese.  Even  those  who  have  emigrated  to  British 
colonies  adhere  to  their  own  system,  refusing  to  use 
the  duly  constituted  Government  post,  except  under 
compulsion.  Both  Hongkong  and  the  Straits  Set- 
tlements have  been  actually  compelled  to  legislate 
in  the  matter.  It  is,  indeed,  remarkable  how  safe 
the  native  post  is,  not  merely  for  the  carriage  of  or- 
dinary letters,  but  for  the  conveyance  of  money. 

The  Imperial  Chinese  Post-Office  was  opened  on 
P'ebruary  2,  1897,  under  the  management  of  Sir 
Robert  Hart,  and  China  has  since  joined  the  Postal 
Union. 


CHAPTER  V 


England’s  objective  in  china 

There  are  two  ways  of  attacking  the  trade  of 
China,  so  far  as  England  is  concerned.  The  one  is 
from  the  seaboard,  entering  China  by  the  main 
rivers,  nptably  the  Yangtsze,  the  main  artery  of 
China,  and  the  West  River,  which  passes  through 
the  southern  provinces.  The  other  is  from  Eng- 
land’s land  base,  Burma,  through  Yunnan.  Doubt- 
less the  sea  approach,  hitherto  the  only  one,  is  from 
the  purely  trading  point  of  view  incomparably  the 
more  important ; but  the  other,  the  land  route,  is 
complementary,  and  is  a necessity  if  our  commercial 
and  political  influence  is  to  be  maintained  and  ex- 
tended. The  isolation  of  China  oversea  has  long 
since  been  annulled  by  steam,  and  her  former  com- 
plete isolation  by  land  has  now  also  ceased.  Hitherto 
cut  off  from  all  approach  by  land,  she  will  in  the 
north  shortly  be  placed  in  direct  railway  communi- 
cation with  Europe,  and  this  fact  by  itself  renders 
imperative  our  advance  from  the  south. 

It  is  now  many  years  since  I first  advocated  the 
railway  connection  of  Burma  and  southwestern 
China,  first  of  all  with  a view  to  opening  Yunnan 
and  Szechuan,  and,  secondly,  to  effect  a junction  be- 

109 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tween  those  two  great  waterways,  the  Yangtsze  and 
the  Irrawaddy.  It  appeared  to  me  that  the  connec- 
tion of  the  navigation  limit  of  the  Yangtsze  with  our 
most  eastern  Indian  province  was  a matter  of  cardi- 
nal importance,  not  merely  because  it  was  evidently 
desirable,  for  the  purposes  of  commerce,  to  connect 
the  central  and  lower  regions  of  the  Yans^tsze  with 
Burma,  but  also  for  political  reasons.  And  it  so 
happens  that  the  navigation  limit  of  that  river  lies 
within  the  province  of  Szechuan,  which,  for  various 
reasons,  must  be  the  commercial  and  political  ob- 
jective of  England.  Recent  events  have  empha- 
sized the  soundness  of  that  view,  and  should  in- 
duce us  to  deal,  without  delay,  with  the  question 
of  land  communication  between  Burma  and  the 
Upper  Yangtsze,  for  it  is  there  that  must  be  de- 
cided the  question  of  the  supremacy  of  central 
China. 

Burma  is  our  land-gate  to  China.  The  barrier 
which  blocked  our  approach  from  the  Indian  litto- 
ral was  broken  down  by  the  annexation  of  Upper 
Burma.  On  our  northeastern  frontier  we  are  con- 
terminous with  China,  a country  offering  us  great 
markets,  which  afford  hope  of  incalculable  extension, 
and,  through  interconnection,  promising  sources  of 
future  strenerth  to  both  countries.  On  our  north- 

O 

western  frontier  the  railways  are  almost  entirely 
strategic  and  political,  hardly  in  any  sense  intended 
to  obtain  a commercial  object;  they  are  defensive, 
and  lead  to  barren  regions.  On  the  northeast,  rail- 
ways must  be  politico-commercial. 


1 10 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


Elsewhere*  the  general  position  of  h'rance  tow- 
ards China,  and  the  inconvenience,  difficulties,  and 
dangers  arising  from  French  aims  and  aspirations  in 
that  quarter,  especially  through  her  connection  with 
Russia,  have  been  indicated.  France,  though  not  a 
great  Asiatic  power,  is  yet  possessed  of  one-third  of 
Indo-China,  and  is  determined,  at  all  hazards,  not  so 
much  to  secure  the  trade  of  southern  China,  as  under 
the  guise  of  commerce  to  establish  there  her  politi- 
cal influence,  which  she  intends  to  effect  by  means 
of  railways  connecting  the  southern  provinces  with 
the  French  possessions.  The  result  of  such  action 
upon  our  prospective  trade  with  these  regions,  and 
upon  our  political  influence  in  China,  has  been  ap- 
parent for  many  years  past.  Unless  we  anticipated 
the  French,  or  at  any  rate  took  steps  similar  to 
theirs,  protectiv'e  tariffs  everywhere,  with  the  avowed 
intention  of  excluding  British  trade  in  order  to 
benefit  that  of  France,  were  sure  to  be  the  inevit- 
able result. 

In  the  entire  field  of  Chinese  trade  the  region  of 
southern  and  southwestern  China  holds  an  impor- 
tant position.  Less  rich,  less  populated,  as  a whole, 
than  central  China  and  the  Great  Plain  stretching 

O 

from  the  Lower  Yangtsze  to  Peking,  still  two  prov- 
inces (Szechuan  and  Kwangtung)  stand  in  the  front 
rank,  and  in  the  mineral  wealth,  at  least,  two  other 
provinces  (Yunnan  and  Kweichau)  are  unsurpassed. 
So  far,  little  of  this  territory  is  reached  by  European 


* See  “ Political  Question,”  Chapters  XIII.  and  XIV. 


I I T 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


manufactures,  owing  to  the  enormous  cost  of  inland 
carriage,  which  prevents  machine-made  goods  from 
entering  into  competition  with  hand- made  native 
manufactures.  Politically,  too,  this  region  is  of  the 
very  highest  importance. 

Yunnan  and  western  Kweichau  constitute  an  ele- 
vated broken  plateau  with  an  average  height  of 
about  five  thousand  feet,  having  no  communication 
by  water  with  the  plains  lying  to  the  north,  south, 
and  east.  This  plateau  falls  abruptly  to  the  valleys 
of  the  Yangtsze  on  the  north,  and  of  the  Irrawaddy, 
Mekong,  and  Red  River,  on  the  west  and  south, 
with  an  easier  gradient  to  the  basin  of  the  West 
River  and  the  plains  of  Kwangsi  and  Hunan,  lying 
to  the  south  and  east.  Extending  for  some  six 
hundred  miles  from  Indo-China  to  the  Yangtsze,  the 
plateau  has  many  fine  valleys,  but  no  level  surface 
except  an  occasional  lake  basin. 

Yunnan  is  bordered  on  the  west  by  Burma  and 
the  Shan  States ; on  the  south  by  the  Shan  States 
and  Tongking;  on  the  east  by  the  provinces  of 
Kwangsi  and  Kweichau ; and  on  the  north  by  Sze- 
chuan. In  the  west  and  southwest  its  rivers  and 
streams  flow  through  deep,  broad  fissures  that  are 
always  dangerous  and  frequently  impassable.  Sev- 
eral important  rivers  traverse  Yunnan  from  north  to 
south,  the  chief  ones  being  the  Salween  and  Mekong, 
emptying  respectively  into  the  Bay  of  Bengal  and 
the  China  Sea ; on  the  west  are  two  small  water- 
ways, the  Taping  and  Shweli,  tributaries  of  the  Ir- 
rawaddy; in  the  south  and  the  southeast  are  the 


T I 2 


ENGLyVND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


Songkoi  and  West  Rivers.  The  upper  reaches  of 
the  Yangtsze  divide  Yunnan  from  Szechuan.  Of  the 
waterways  of  Yunnan,  the  Yangtsze  is,  or  could  be 
made,  navigable  to  the  northern  borders  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  in  the  south  the  Songkoi  and  West  River 
are  navigable  for  light-draught  vessels,  the  first  to 
the  borders  of  Yunnan,  and  the  latter  for  over  half 
its  length.  From  the  west,  in  Upper  Burma,  com- 
munication has  been  maintained  by  what  is  com- 
monly known  as  the  Bhamo  (caravan)  route  and 
throimh  the  Shan  States. 

O 

The  Bhamo  route  was  for  years  in  great  favor 
with  the  Government  of  India,  and  the  proposal  to 
make  it  a main  trade  road  between  Burma  and 
China  consequently  obtained  considerable  support 
throughout  England.  Expedition  after  expedition 
was  sent  from  Burma  into  Yunnan  by  this  way,  but 
with  no  favorable  result,  for  the  physical  difficulties 
are  practically  insurmountable.  Notwithstanding 
the  unfavorable  accounts  of  this  route,  given  from 
time  to  time  by  various  travellers,  it  was  tenaciously 
adhered  to  by  the  Indian  authorities,  who  evinced  a 
singular  inacquaintance  with  the  geography  of  the 
region,  a fact  which  doubtless  influenced  them  in 
neglecting  the  opportunities  which  were  ours  of 
carrying  a railway  through  Siam  to  southern  China,* 
which  would  both  have  opened  the  kingdom  of  Siam 
and  given  us  the  only  natural  approach  from  Burma 

* Proposed  by  myself  and  Mr.  Hallett  in  1882:  the  Assam- 
Rurma  connection,  now  in  process  of  construction,  having  been  sug- 
gested by  us  in  1881. 

113 


H 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  Yunnan  and  the  Yangtsze.  Political  difficulties 
arose  in  later  years  as  regards  Siam,  but  these  could 
and  should  have  been  obviated  by  timely  action. 
Siam,  then,  being  out  of  the  question,  and  the 
Bhamo  route  having  at  last  been  abandoned,  though 
very  reluctantly,  there  remained  no  course  open  but 
to  seek  a new  trace  for  a railway,  and  one  which 
would  pass  entirely  through  British  territory,  for 
this  had  now  become  a necessity,  owing  to  the 
neighborhood  of  the  French  in  Siam  and  in  the 
Shan  States. 

Such  a railway  is  now  being  made  between  Man- 
dalay, the  former  capital  of  Upper  Burma,  and  the 
Kunlon  Ferry,  on  the  Salween  Riv'er,  a distance  of 
some  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  the  terminus 
being  situated  close  to  the  southwest  corner  of  Yun- 
nan, whence  it  is  proposed  to  carry  the  line  to  Tali 
fu,  a town  of  importance  in  the  west  of  the  province. 
Unfortunately  for  the  chances  of  success  of  any  such 
railway  from  Upper  Burma,  the  mountain  barriers 
running  north  and  south,  between  the  great  rivers, 
present  obstacles  of  a very  serious  character.  This 
railway,  though  costly,  will  be  useful,  and  will  serv^e 
a section  of  the  Shan  States  and  also  the  valley 
system  running  northward  to  Tali  fu.  The  country 
east  of  that  city  is  served  from  the  capital,  Yunnan 
fu,  which  at  present  is  supplied  from  Canton  via  the 
W est  River  and  a long  overland  haul,  and  from 
Shanghai  via  the  Yanotsze  and  a tedious  land 

o o 

journey. 

The  province  of  Yunnan  has  been  described  in 

114 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


widely  differing  terms  by  various  travellers  and 
writers,  either  as  a rich  province  with  immense 
potentialities,  the  population  of  which  had  been  re- 
duced to  several  millions  by  the  Mohammedan  re- 
bellion (which  began  in  1856  and  ended  in  1873) 
and  by  the  ensuing  plague  and  pestilence;  or  as  a 
wretchedly  poor  country,  almost  uninhabited  and 
containing  nothing  of  promise  for  the  future.  As 
the  writer  belongs  to  the  former  category,  and  is  a" 
firm  believer  in  the  potentialities  of  Yunnan,  it  is, 
perhaps,  as  well  that  he  should  quote  an  authority 
who  has  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  question 
and  is  an  observer  of  sound  judgment.  Speaking  of 
Yunnan  having  been  described  as  a “ rich  province,” 
Mr.  Hosie  remarks: 

“ I have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  it  is,  but  it  contains  a poor 
population,  and,  until  the  condition  of  the  latter  is  improved,  no 
great  development  of  trade  need  be  looked  for  in  that  direction. 
It  is  estimated  to  contain  a population  of  from  five  to  six  millions, 
the  great  mass  of  which  is  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  True, 
there  are  copper  mines  in  the  north  and  east,  and  tin  and  lead 
mines  in  the  south  of  the  province;  but  mining  industries  are  so 
hampered  by  official  interference  as  to  profit  little  the  owners  or 
the  workmen.  Agriculture,  too,  is  carried  on  under  a system  of 
small  farms,  and  the  absence  of  good  roads  and  the  impossibility 
of  greatly  improving  those  that  exist,  owing  to  the  mountainous 
character  of  the  province,  do  not  tend  to  the  enrichment  of  the 
peasantry.  Nor  is  this  all;  immense  tracts  in  the  north  and  west 
of  the  province  have  lain  waste  since  the  Mohammedan  rebellion, 
and  owing  to  the  antipathy  of  the  Chinese  to  settle  on  lands  which 
they  look  upon  as  the  property  of  people  who  may  still  be  living, 
or  whose  descendants  may  still  be  living,  it  must  be  many  years 
before  the  agriculture  of  the  province  is  properly  developed.” 


With  the  destruction  of  the  old  industries  of  the 

"5 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


province — mining,  silk  rearing,  and  manufacture — 
came  an  increased  demand  for  opium  in  Szechuan 
and  the  eastern  provinces,  which  led  to  poppy  cul- 
tivation becoming  the  great  industry  of  Yunnan. 
Foreign  imports  are  paid  for  in  opium,  both  in 
Yunnan  and  Kweichau.  Owing  to  the  water 
communication  by  the  Yangtsze,  a heavier  class  of 
goods  is  sent  to  Szechuan  than  to  Y unnan,  where 
pack  animals  and  porters  are  exclusively  employed, 
thus  rendering  the  cpiestion  of  weight  a matter  for 
serious  consideration.  Prices  are  rather  hioher  at 

O 

Yunnan  fu,  even  for  goods  of  lighter  texture  and 
inferior  quality,  than  in  Szechuan.  Foreign  goods 
from  Hongkong  come  by  way  of  the  West  River  or 
of  Pakhoi  to  Nanning,  thence  by  boat  to  Pose  and 
Pongai,  and  then  by  caravan  through  Kwangnan ; 
or  by  one  of  the  French  routes  through  Tongking. 

Puerh  was  for  three  years  in  the  possession  of 
the  Mohammedan  rebels,  and  has  never  recovered 
its  former  prosperity ; and  at  present,  although  con- 
taining a thoroughly  Chinese  population,  the  town 
does  not  seem  to  have  much  trade.  Szumao  is  a 
thriving  place,  although  it  will  not  compare,  either 
in  trade  or  appearance,  with  the  third-class  cities 
of  Szechuan.  Yunnan  fu  stands  on  a lake  at  the 
bottom  of  an  extensive  depression.  At  one  time 
there  was  no  outlet  from  this  basin,  and  only  in  the 
thirteenth  century  was  the  canal  cut  which  now 
carries  the  water  from  the  southwest  side  of  the 
lake  into  a stream  flowing  north  to  the  Yangtsze. 
Yunnan  fu  is  at  the  centre  of  three  converging 

1 16 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


routes,  and  occupies  a position  admirable  for  admin- 
istrative purposes.  With  proper  communications  it 
would  become  a most  important  city.  The  climate 
of  Yunnan  is  bad  in  the  valleys,  but  fairly  good  in 
the  open  plains,  the  north  being  probably  as  suited 
to  Europeans  as  any  part  of  southwest  China. 

The  wealth  of  Upper  Burma,  and  also  the  re- 
sources of  western  China  and  the  Shan  States, 
are  incalculable,  but  they  lie  fallow  at  present  for 
want  of  connections,  both  internal  and  with  the 
outer  world.  Without  facilitating  our  communica- 
tions we  need  expect  no  great  expansion  of  our 
commerce  in  western  China,  Burma,  or  any  part  of 
Indo-China.  The  laying  down  of  a comprehensive 
system  of  railways,  and  of  lateral  feeder  roads  and 
light  railways,  to  open  up  these  regions  would  in- 
volve a considerable  outlay  for  some  years  to  come, 
but  the  money  thus  invested  would  be  richly  repaid. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  facts  about  Lower 
Burma  is  the  rapidity  with  which  the  population  has 
grown.  Burma  and  its  Shan  States  provide  an  ad- 
mirable absorbing  ground  for  the  ever-increasing 
and  dense  populations  of  India  and  China.  There 
is  ample  room  for  an  inctease  of  scores  of  millions 
to  the  present  population  of  Burma. 

The  statement  of  the  resources  of  Yunnan  given 
by  Hosie  seems  to  me  fair,  but  it  is  reasonable  to 
maintain  that  a province  which  before  the  Moham- 
medan rebellion  supported  something  like  16,000,- 
000,  chiefly  by  mining,  and  now  maintains  about 
6,000,000,  mainly  on  agriculture,  gives  promise  of 

117 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


developing  a lucrative  trade  and  regaining  its  former 
prosperity,  and  even  more,  provided  only  that  com- 
munications are  improved.  The  wealth  is  in  the 
minerals ; and  this  being  the  case,  it  is  only  by  com- 
munications that  the  condition  of  the  people  can  be 
greatly  altered  for  the  better,  and  that  the  security 
and  order  necessary,  especially  for  mining  operations, 
can  be  brought  about.* 

However  this  may  be,  the  view  that  Yunnan  is 
“ worthless  ” is  untenable.  It  is  not  those,  it  may 
be  noted,  who  have  had  a varied  experience  of  the 
province,  or  who  have  studied  its  conditions  and 
resources,  such  as  Rocher,  Bourne,  and  Hosie,  but 
rather  cyclist  commissioners  and  others  who  have 
merely  crossed  the  northwestern  section  of  Yunnan 
from  Bhamo  to  the  Yangtsze — the  very  avenue  the 
impracticability  of  which  the  writer  spent  years  in 
demonstrating — who  are  responsible  for  this  opinion, 
which  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  take  seriously.  I 
have  always  been  of  the  opinion  that  the  configura- 
tion of  Yunnan  is  such  that  no  single  avenue  can 
tap  the  whole  trade  of  the  province.  To  propose 
one  route  for  the  whole  country  is  like  advocating 
some  quack  medicine  for  a patient  who  lies  ill  with 
half  a dozen  ailments.  It  seemed  to  me  in  former 
days,  as  it  does  now,  that  the  Yangtsze  water  route 
could  only  deal  with  the  northern  part  of  the  prov- 
ince, for  the  physical  features  precluded  the  possi- 

* In  the  Kuo  chiu  tin  mines  alone,  according  to  Bourne,  before 
the  rebellion  there  were  employed  no  less  than  100,000  men,  while 
to-day  there  are  not  more  than  20.000. 

1 18 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


bility  of  trade  penetrating,  without  railways,  into  the 
heart  of  Yunnan.  In  referring  to  Hosie’s  apprecia- 
tion of  the  province,  I frankly  own  that  my  opinion 
of  the  whole  question  has  been  modified  by  the  fact 
that  the  northern  part  is  more  valuable  than  was 
understood,  for  it  appears  that  this  region  is  exceed- 
ingly  rich  in  copper,  and  contains  some  of  the  most 
fertile  plains  in  western  China. 

Yunnan,  then,  will  be  served  from  three  different 
quarters — from  Burma  on  the  southwest,  Tongking 
and  Hongkong  on  the  southeast,  and  the  Upper 
Yangtsze  in  the  north.  I can  see  nothing,  how- 
ever, to  operate  against  the  advisability  of  effecting 
the  railway  communication  so  long  urged  by  me, 
which  would  benefit  the  Yangtsze  basin  and  Shans- 
hai,  the  West  River  and  Hongkong,  as  well  as  Bur- 
ma and  Rangoon.  It  is  not  a case  of  rival,  but  of 
complementary  routes,  which  would  be  of  great  mut- 
ual advantage.  And  if  this  be  true  of  Yunnan,  none 
the  less  is  it  so  of  Szechuan. 

Turning  now  to  the  province  of  Kweichau,  we 
find  that,  though  a secluded  region,  and  less  devel- 
oped than  even  Yunnan,  it  has  the  advantage  of 
the  latter  in  the  matter  of  water  communications, 
owing  to  its  position  as  regards  the  Yangtsze 
River.  Excepting  the  Yuan  River,  the  waterways 
serving  the  province  pass  through  Szechuan,  which 
lies  astride  the  Yangtsze.  The  Yuan,  from  the 
eastern  part  of  the  province,  runs  east  and  north- 
east to  the  Tungting  Lake,  which  overflows  into  the 
Yangtsze  a little  more  than  a hundred  miles  above 

119 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Hankau;  notwithstanding  the  rapids  obstructing  its 
course,  the  Yuan  is  navigable  to  a point  about  a 
hundred  miles  from  Kweiyang,  the  capital  of  Kwei- 
chau.  This  river,  therefore,  serves  the  eastern  sec- 
tion of  Kweichau,  the  remaining  portions  being  inti- 
mately connected  with  Szechuan. 

The  home  of  the  Miaotzu,  a non -Chinese  race, 
Kweichau  has  often  been  the  theatre  of  internecine 
struggles  between  the  aboriginal  tribes  and  the 
Chinese.  The  mountainous  character  of  the  coun- 
try lent  itself  to  the  guerilla  warfare  waged  between 
the  natives  of  the  soil  and  the  newcomers.  The 
Miaotzu  were  driven  step  by  step  to  the  southern 
section  of  the  province,  leaving  traces  behind  of  the 
ruin  and  desolation  brought  about  by  civil  war — too 
common  a sight  in  many  parts  of  China.  The  strug- 
gle here,  as  in  Yunnan  and  in  Kansu,  was  waged 
after  the  usual  Chinese  fashion,  diplomacy  and  the 
silver  key  playing  a much  larger  part  in  the  conquest 
of  Kweichau  than  the  prowess  of  arms.  The  Chinese 
population,  especially  of  the  northern  half,  consists 
of  emigrants  from  the  neighboring  provinces,  and 
these  not  of  the  highest  class,  for  Kweichau,  not- 
withstandinor  its  immense  mineral  wealth  in  coal  and 

O 

iron,  copper  and  quicksilver,  and  its  great  natural 
beauties — it  has  been  well  termed  the  “ Switzerland 
of  China  ” — cannot,  in  view  of  its  complete  isolation, 
be  pronounced  an  attractive  country  for  emigrants. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  recapitulate  here  the  char- 
acteristics, treated  more  fully  elsewhere,*  of  the 
* See  “The  Geographical  Question,”  Chapter  I. 


120 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


people  of  Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  especially  the 
Mohammedans  of  Yunnan  and  the  Shans  of  Kwei- 
chau. The  main  fact  to  be  noted  is  that,  if  England 
means  seriously  to  substantiate  her  claim  to  the 
Yangtsze  basin,  she  should  make  it  her  aim  to  en- 
courage good  relations  with  these  people  and  with 
the  aborigines  of  Szechuan  and  the  Mohammedans 
of  Kansu,  who  are  bound  to  play  an  important  part, 
and  who  constitute  a factor  of  the  first  value.  And 
even  the  non  - aboriginal  and  non  - Mohammedan 
Chinese  inhabitants  of  these  provinces  are  very  dif- 
ferent from  their  kinsmen  of  the  plains,  as  regards 
both  physique  and  courage. 

Before  leaving  the  southwestern  provinces  of 
Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that, 
although  they  are  at  present  so  poor  that  the  taxes 
do  not  yield  enough  for  the  expense  of  government 
— Kweichau  actually  requiring  an  aid  of  750,000 
taels — yet  mining  will  completely  alter  this  state  of 
affairs,  and  will  eventually  make  these  provinces 
very  prosperous. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  Yangtsze,  and  see  what 
this  great  artery  of  China — on  which  Szechuan  is 
largely  dependent  for  its  prosperity — is  like  from  its 
cradle  in  Tibet  to  its  mouth  in  the  Yellow  Sea, 
where  it  forms  for  the  Western  maritime  Powers 
“ the  gate  to  China.” 

The  Yangtsze,  usually  called  the  Ta  kiang,  or 
Great  River,  takes  its  rise  in  the  high  central  plateau 
of  Tibet.  It  extends  from  88°  E.  to  122°  E.,  cover- 
ing in  its  winding  course  a distance  of  some  3000 


I 2 I 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


miles,  of  which  about  2000  are  navigable.  The 
main  stream  is  formed  by  three  branches,  having 
their  confluence  at  longitude  94°  E.,  and  latitude  34° 
50'  N.,  where  its  breadth  in  the  dry  weather  is  750 
feet,  and  in  the  summer  rains  over  a mile.  Its  level 
here  is  about  13,000  feet  above  the  sea,  and  at  this 
point  it  is  separated  from  the  Hoang  ho  only  by  the 
Bayan  Kara  mountains,  the  melting  snows  of  which 
feed  both  rivers.  Curving  first  in  an  easterly  direc- 
tion, it  then  proceeds  southwards  through  tremen- 
dous gorges  past  the  town  of  Batang.  Twisting 
again  to  the  east,  it  passes  the  town  of  Likiang, 
whence  it  makes  a half-circle  and  is  joined  by  the 
Lalung.  After  this,  making  yet  another  curve,  it 
proceeds  through  still  more  stupendous  ravines 
northeastwards  to  Sui  fu.  Here  it  is  joined  by  its 
large  affluent  the  Min,  considered  by  the  Chinese 
the  main  river.  The  Yangtsze — the  Kinsha  kiang, 
or  “ River  of  Golden  Sand,”  as  it  is  here  called  — is 
only  navigable  to  Pingshan,  about  forty  miles  above 
Sui  fu,  while  the  Min  River  can  be  ascended  as  far 
as  Chengtu,  the  capital  of  Szechuan. 

The  mountainous  districts  in  Szechuan,  enclosed 
southwards  by  the  great  bend  of  the  upper  Yangtsze, 
belong  ethnically  to  Tibet,  although  politically  sepa- 
rated from  that  region;  the  majority  of  the  people 
are  of  the  same  stock,  and  have  similar  customs  and 
social  institutions.  In  western  Szechuan*  and  Yun- 

* .'\ccording  to  Baber,  the  Chien-chang  Valley,  otherwise  the 
Prefecture  of  Ning-yuan,  is  perhaps  the  least  known  part  of  the 
eighteen  provinces.  “Two  or  three  sentences  in  the  book  of  Ser 


122 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


nan  the  rivers  are  crossed  by  means  of  iron  suspen- 
sion-bridges, or  in  movable  seats  slung  from  bank  to 
bank  on  bamboo  ropes.  The  contrast  between  the 
Tibetan  and  Chinese  villages  is  striking,  the  latter 
being  generally  grouped  in  compact  masses,  and  the 
former  scattered  over  a wide  area,  so  that  all  the 
enclosed  towns  are  Chinese,  and  the  straggling 
suburbs  Tibetan.  The  lamasaries,  however,  where 
large  numbers  of  the  priests  live  together  in  a single 
community,  are  inhabited  almost  exclusively  by 
Tibetans. 

This  magnificent  province  of  Szechuan,  from  its 
size,  population,  trade,  and  productions,  may,  accord- 
ing to  Mrs.  Bishop,  truly  be  called  the  empire 
province,  and  gives  one  some  idea  of  the  possi- 
bilities for  trade  which  exist  in  western  China,  and 
some  perception  of  the  capacities,  resourcefulness, 
and  enterprise  of  the  Chinese  themselves. 


“ In  the  mountains,”  she  says,  “there  are  innumerable  horseshoe 
corries  with  narrow  entrances,  terraced  and  exquisitely  cultivated, 
each  with  its  large  and  handsome  farm-house  and  its  cedar  and 
cypress  groves  ; and  mandarins’  country  houses,  rivalling  some  of 
our  renowned  homes  in  size  and  stateliness,  are  frequent.  As  the 
country  grows  more  open  there  are  fortified  refuges  on  rocky 
heights,  great  temples  with  porcelain  fronts  in  rich  coloring,  dis- 
tilleries, paper  and  flour  mills,  and  every  town  and  large  village  has 

Marco,  to  the  effect  that  after  crossing  high  mountains  he  reached 
a fertile  country  containing  many  towns  and  villages  and  inhabited 
by  a very  immoral  population,  constitute  to  this  day  the  only  de- 
scription we  possess  of  Cain-dii,  as  he  calls  the  district.  The  fact 
of  its  being  unexplored  is  sufficient,  without  the  other  inducements 
held  out  by  the  generally  sedate  Venetian,  to  make  it  ‘a  very 
pleasant  country  for  young  fellows  to  go  to.’  ” 

123 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


its  special  industry  — silk -weaving,  straw- plaiting,  hat -making, 
dressing  hides,  iron  or  brass  work,  pottery  and  china,  chair-making, 
dyeing,  carving  and  gilding  idols,  making  the  red  paper  used  for 
religious  and  festive  purposes,  and  the  imitation  gold  and  silver 
coins  burned  as  offerings,  etc. — everything  indicates  industry  and 
prosperity  and  a certain  security  for  the  gains  of  labor.  There  is 
no  winter.” 

Many  of  the  stone  and  iron  suspension-bridges 
existing  in  Szechuan  and  Yunnan  were  wonderful 
works  at  the  time  they  were  constructed,  and  even 
now  some  of  them  might  be  regarded  as  creditable 
structures.  To  illustrate  how  little  is  known  of 
China,  I have  repeatedly  been  asked  whether  it 
was  physically  possible  to  make  such  a railway 
across  Yunnan  as  I had  proposed;  and  this  though 
many  travellers  had  described  the  iron  suspension- 
bridges  spanning  the  greatest  rivers  of  western 
China  !* 

Chengtu  with  its  population  approaching  a mill- 
ion is  justly  celebrated  throughout  China.  Every- 
thing indicates  its  wealth  and  political  importance. 
The  Chengtu  plain  is  thus  described  by  Mrs.  Bishop: 

“This  glorious  plain,  with  its  four  million  inhabitants,  its  pros- 
perous cities  and  villages,  its  innumerable  ‘palatial’  farm-houses 
among  cedars,  bamboo,  and  fruit  trees,  its  fine  bridges  with  roofs 
decorated  in  lacquer  and  gold ; its  stately  temples,  its  enormous 
wheelbarrow  traffic,  its  water  and  oil  mills,  its  boundless  fertility 
and  wealth,  and  its  immunity  for  two  thousand  years  from  drought 
and  floods,  are  the  monument  of  the  engineering  genius  of  one 
man,  whose  temple  on  a wooded  height  above  the  gorge  of  the 

* Illustrations  of  such  bridges  across  the  Mekong,  Salween,  and 
other  rivers,  reproduced  from  photographs,  may  be  found  in  my 
Across  Chryse,  published  in  1882. 


124 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


Couching  Dragon,  on  the  Min,  is  the  most  magnificent  in  China, 
bearing  his  motto  incised  in  stone  and  lettered  in  gold  in  every 
conspicuous  place,  ‘ Dig  the  bed  deep,  keep  the  banks  low.'  ” * 


The  whole  valley  of  the  Min  is  a most  prosperous 
region,  the  land  on  either  side  of  the  river  being 
highly  cultivated  by  means  of  irrigation  canals. 
Below  the  junction  of  the  Min  the  Yangtsze  flows 
northeast,  a distance  of  some  two  hundred  miles,  to 
Chungking.  Situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kialing, 
which  enters  the  Yangtsze  from  the  north,  Chung- 
king is  the  great  commercial  city  of  Szechuan  and 
the  second  trade  emporium  of  inland  China.!  The 
province  of  Szechuan,  rich  as  it  is,  has  the  disad- 
vantage of  being  difiicult  of  access  from  the  rest  of 
the  world,  for  merchandise  can  now  only  reach  it 
during  certain  months  of  the  year  and  after  a diffl- 
CLilt  voyage.  Its  trade  would  be  increased  very 
greatly  were  the  navigation  of  the  river  rendered 
better  and  safer,  thus  facilitating  the  establishment 
of  effective  steam  communication  not  only  to  Chung- 
king but  as  far  as  Sui  fu. 

The  popular  view  of  the  wealth  of  Szechuan  is 

* R.  G.  Proceedings,  1897. 

t Under  Article  VI.  of  tlie  Shimonoseki  treaty,  four  ports  were 
opened  to  foreign  commerce — viz.,  Chungking,  in  the  province  of 
Szechuan;  Shashi,  in  Hupei;  Suchau,  in  Kiangsu  ; and  Hangchau, 
in  Chekiang.  Chungking  was  already  open  in  a fashion.  British 
subjects  were  allowed  to  establish  themselves  there,  and  to  import 
and  export  merchandise  at  the  same  tariff  of  duties  as  other  ports; 
but  the  right  of  British  vessels  to  visit  the  port  was  not  conceded, 
the  carrying  trade  being  restricted  to  native  junks.  Steam  naviga- 
tion was  secured  by  the  Japanese  as  far  as  Chungking,  and  under 
the  most-favored-nation  clause  the  right  accrued  to  us. 

125 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


well  illustrated  by  the  Chinese  proverb:  “You’ll 
never  see  an  ill-dressed  man  in  Szechuan.”  In  the 
popular  mind  Szechuan  means  plenty.  Apart  from 
its  great  mineral  resources,  it  produces  silk,  wax, 
tobacco,  all  of  good  quality;  grass-cloth,  grain  in 
abundance,  and  tea,  plentiful  but  coarse  in  quality. 
The  climate  is  changeable,  necessitating  a variety 
of  clothing.  Cotton  is  grown  in  Szechuan,  but 
Bourne  states  that  Indian  yarn  is  driving  it  out  of 
cultivation,  not,  apparently,  on  account  of  the  enor- 
mous saving  through  spinning  by  machinery,  but 
because  it  can  be  grown  more  cheaply  in  India. 
The  greater  part  of  the  surplus  wealth  of  Szechuan 
is  devoted  to  the  purchase  of  raw,  native,  and  for- 
eign cottons  and  woollen  goods.  All  the  cotton  is 
not  consumed  in  the  province,  for  the  Szechuanese 
manufacture  from  the  imported  raw  material  and 
export  it  to  Yunnan  and  western  Kweichau. 

Where  the  division  between  the  western  hilly 
region  and  the  eastern  plain  country  occurs  (at  the 
noth  meridian)  we  come  to  the  treaty  port  Ichang. 
Here  a close  succession  of  precipitous  mountains, 
through  which  the  Yangtsze  breaks  in  a series  of 
wild  gorges  and  rapids,  extends  from  the  town  of 
Kweichau,  in  Szechuan,  to  Ichang.  There  are  no 
roads  fit  for  heavy  traffic  in  these  mountains,  and 
the  only  merchandise  carried  across  them  is  opium 
from  Fuchau,  in  Szechuan,. to  Shashi,  a port  eighty 
miles  below  Ichang.  Difficult  as  is  the  navigation 
of  this  part  of  the  Yangtsze,  it  is  the  main  artery, 
indeed  the  only  trade  channel,  with  the  exception  of 

1 26 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


mountain  routes  such  as  the  one  just  mentioned, 
between  the  east  and  west  of  China,  The  number 
of  junks  engaged  in  this  through  traffic  has  been 
roughly  estimated  at  about  7000  annually.  All 
these  are  large  craft,  carrying  from  75  to  150  tons  of 
cargo.  The  crews  are  paid  by  the  trip,  as  else- 
where in  China,  those  of  the  up-river  junks  being 
double  and  treble  in  number  those  bound  down- 
stream. No  wages  are  paid  for  the  down  trip,  and 
thus  there  is  no  lack  of  porters  to  carry  the  opium 
which  is  exported  eastward  across  the  mountains. 
If  sent  down  by  the  river  it  would  have  to  pay  a 
heavy  duty  at  both  the  Kweichau  and  Ichang  bar- 
riers ; and  it  is  to  avoid  these  imposts,  and  from  the 
fear  of  losing  so  precious  a cargo  through  ship- 
wreck on  the  rapids,  that  the  large  opium  traffic 
passes  across  the  hills  instead  of  along  the  natural 
trade  route,  the  river.  The  strongest  and  most  ac- 
tive of  the  junkmen  proceeding  to  Szechuan  carry 
baskets  ready  to  be  put  into  use  for  this  opium  car- 
riage when  they  leave  their  boat.  It  is  in  these 
baskets,  peculiarly  shaped  utensils,  strapped  on  the 
back,  Alpine  fashion,  that  the  opium  is  packed  to 
a weight  of  1000  ounces.  Large  bands  of  these 
men  may  be  seen  trudging,  like  beasts  of  burden, 
along  the  difficult  mountain  paths  to  Shashi,  each 
man  receiving  a mere  pittance  of  wages  for  his  long 
and  weary  journey. 

Ichang,  the  present  limit  of  the  steamer  naviga- 
tion, is  about  1000  miles  from  the  sea,  and  is  chiefly 
important  as  a place  of  transshipment  of  goods  for 

127 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Szechuan,  its  import  trade  consisting  principally  of 
cotton  goods,  and  its  exports  of  silk,  white  wax,  and 
medicines.  The  next  town  of  importance,  eighty- 
five  miles  below  Ichang,  is  Shashi,  which  Bourne 
calls  “ the  Manchester  of  western  China.”  The  na- 
tive cotton-cloth  which  supplies  the  western  prov- 
inces is  graded,  packed,  and  shipped  away  at  Shashi, 
the  neighboring  country  being  the  greatest  centre  of 
weaving  in  China.  At  every  village  of  Szechuan 
and  Yunnan  the  Blackburn  mission  found  Shashi 
cloth.  Goods  and  produce  for  Szechuan  are  brought 
to  Ichang  from  all  parts  of  China  for  transshipment 
into  Szechuan  junks.  The  greater  part  comes  from 
Hankau,  a long  and  tedious  journey  of  thirty  to 
forty  days  by  river. 

The  difficulties  attendant  upon  the  introduction 
of  steamers  to  Ichang,  and  the  results  achieved, 
furnish  a particularly  useful  lesson.  Shortly  after 
Ichang  was  opened,  a steamer  was  put  on  the  river 
between  that  port  and  Hankau.  It  was  anticipated 
with  confidence  that  the  Szechuan  traders  would 
avail  themselves  of  the  expeditious  transit  thus  af- 
forded them,  but  although  it  was  made  evident  that 
goods,  which  formerly  took  forty  days  to  reach 
Ichang  when  conveyed  in  junks,  could  be  brought 
by  steamer  in  five  days,  the  Chinese  merchants  en- 
framed in  the  Szechuan  trade  held  back.  Vested  in- 
terests  induced  some  traders  to  oppose,  but  the  great 
majority  were  restrained  by  other  reasons.  They 
were  uncertain  whether  the  steamer  would  be  able 
to  run  regularly  in  winter,  when  the  river  is  low,  and 

128 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 

they  feared  the  risk,  should  the  vessel  stop  running, 
of  having  their  cargo  shut  out  from  transport  by  the 
irritated  junk-owners.  A “junk  ring”  was  formed, 
not  only  of  the  owners  but  of  the  up-river  carriers, 
and  threats  were  made  against  traders  shipping  by 
steamer  on  the  lower  reaches  of  the  river.  The  first 
vessel,  unfortunately,  was  a failure,  being  unable  to 
•run  during  the  winter,  and  was  withdrawn.  A 
second  attempt,  made  by  the  China  Merchants’ 
Company,  proved  more  successful.  The  steamer  ob- 
tained support,  and  the  junk  ring  gradually  lost 
strength. 

Not  till  1897,  however,  was  the  company  able  to 
keep  open  communications  throughout  the  winter 
by  means  of  a light-draught  stern-wheel  boat.  This 
changed  the  whole  complexion  of  affairs.  The  Chi- 
nese, who  had  been  waiting  to  see  how  the  sys- 
tem would  work  practically,  began  to  patronize  the 
steamer  largely.  Still  the  steam  service  is  far  from 
what  it  should  be.  In  parts  of  December,  January, 
February,  and  March,  when  the  river  level  is  lowest, 
the  vessel  is  often  unable  to  run  with  regularity.  It 
is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  such  checks  to  the 
navigation  are  most  damaging  to  the  steady  develop- 
ment of  trade  on  the  Upper  Yangtsze.  A most  per- 
sistent attempt  to  open  the  Yangtsze  to  Chungking 
by  means  of  a specially  constructed  steamer  has 
been  made  by  Mr.  Little  through  a series  of  years, 
and  has  resulted  in  final  success,  and  a debt  of  grati- 
tude is  due  to  the  plucky  pioneer.  Whenever  and 
wherever  the  advantages  of  steam  traffic,  properly 
I 129 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


applied,  are  made  apparent  to  the  Chinese,  they  will 
never  return  to  the  junk. 

We  now  come  to  the  lower  course  of  the  Yang- 
tsze,  which  is  lined  on  both  sides,  but  especially  on 
its  right  bank,  by  numerous  marshes  and  shallow 
lakes  or  reservoirs,  which  are  dry  except  during  in- 
undations, when  they  receive  the  overflow  of  the 
river  and  its  subsidiary  drainage.  The  Tungting, 
the  largest  of  these  lakes,  lies  to  the  south  of  the 
Yangtsze,  just  above  its  junction  with  the  Han  Riv- 
er, and  between  the  lake  and  the  river  an  immense 
trade  passes.  At  this  point  the  Yangtsze  is  joined 
by  its  tributary  the  Siang,  the  main  artery  of  trade 
in  Hunan,  where  are  situated  the  important  cities 
of  Yochau,  now  opened  to  trade,  Siangyin,  Chang- 
sha, Siangtan,  and  Hengchau.  Bourne  considers 
this  district  one  of  the  most  promising  for  the  de- 
velopment of  British  trade,  and  it  is  probable  that, 
when  the  minerals  are  properly  exploited,  it  will 
prove  to  be  one  of  the  richest  regions  in  China. 

Below  the  Tungting  lake  the  Yangtsze  receives 
its  affluent  the  Han,  flowing  from  the  Tsinling 
range,  through  Shensi  and  Hupei,  to  the  left  bank 
of  the  Yangtsze  at  Hankau.  In  summer,  but  in 
summer  alone,  the  Han  might  be  made  navigable 
for  light-draught  steamers  a distance  of  some  three 
hundred  miles,  throughout  the  portion  which  is  em- 
banked. By  means  of  its  tributaries  goods  are  dis- 
tributed over  an  enormous  area  in  Hupei.  Shensi, 
Honan,  and  are  actually  delivered,  via  the  Han, 
aided  by  a five  days’  carriage  over  a mountainous 

130 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


route,  at  Sian  fu,  the  capital  of  Shensi,  a distance  of 
some  seven  hundred  miles.  On  one  of  the  affluents 
of  the  Han  is  situated  an  e^itrepot  for  the  transport 


THE  NAVIGATION  LIMITS  OF  THE  YANGTSZE  AND  ITS  TRIBUTARIES 


of  all  merchandise  between  the  northwestern  prov- 
inces on  the  one  hand  and  the  central  and  south- 
western on  the  other.  Thence  there  exists  a con- 
tinuous water  communication  northwest  and  south- 
west to  remote  regions  of  the  Empire.  North  and 
northwest  of  the  radius  of  the  Han  River  system 
there  is  no  water  communication,  while  to  the  north- 
east this  is  only  found  after  a long  distance  is  trav- 
ersed. 

At  the  confluence  of  the  Han  with  the  Yangtsze 
lies  the  treaty  port  of  Hankau,  with  an  enormous 
population;  and  the  city  of  Hanyang,  where  are  the 
cotton-mills  and  iron -works  established  by  Chang 
Chill  Tung  in  1892.  On  the  southern  bank  of  the 

131 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Yangtsze  is  Wuchang,  the  populous  provincial  capi- 
tal. The  valley  of  the  Han  is  a central  region,  where 
all  advantages  are  united  for  the  prosperity  and  in- 
crease of  the  population.  There  are  to  be  found  a 
healthy,  temperate  climate,  a fertile  soil,  an  abun- 
dant water-supply  of  excellent  quality,  varied  flora, 
marble  and  building  stone,  as  well  as  coal.  The 
importance  of  Hankau  as  a central  junction  for 
trade  communications  and  for  the  future  railway 
system  of  western  China  has  been  pointed  out.* 
Below  Hankau  is  the  Poyang  lake,  famous  for  its 
fine  scenery,  and  near  the  confluence  of  the  Yang- 
tsze and  a river  draining  the  lake  is  situated  the 
treaty  port  of  Kiukiang,  an  important  trade  centre. 
The  Poyang  resembles  the  Tungting  lake  in  its 
main  features — namely,  its  vast  dimensions  and  its 
importance  as  a terminus  for  trade.  It  receives,  by 
means  of  the  Fu,  Kan,  and  other  lesser  streams,  the 
drainage  of  the  whole  Kiangsi  province.  Inunda- 
tions on  the  Yangtsze  raise  the  surface  of  the  lake  at 
times  as  much  as  thirty  feet.  Populous  towns  are 
numerous  on  the  wooded  hill -sides,  as  well  as  on 
the  islands  and  peninsulas;  and  fleets  of  junks,  like 
floating  towns,  are  anchored  near  the  ports.  What 
has  been  said  regarding  the  Tungting  lake  and 
Hunan,  as  regards  the  possible  development  of 
trade  by  steam,  may  be  applied  to  the  Poyang  and 
Kiangsi.  There  is  an  enormous  trade  to  be  de- 
veloped by  the  Han  valley,  north  of  the  Yangtsze, 


* See  Chapter  IV. 

132  ' 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


and  through  the  Tungting  and  Poyang  lakes  and 
their  affluents,  which  radiate  in  a southerly  direc- 
tion. These  lakes  and  water-ways  present  difficulties, 
but  steam  navigation  is  practicable,  and  with  proper 
facilities,  and  strongly  supported  by  our  Govern- 
ment, British  enterprise  could  accomplish  much. 
Where  the  steamer  cannot  be  applied  with  advan- 
tage, the  railway  can.  Railways  traversing  the  valleys 
of  the  Kan  and  Fu,  the  Siang  and  Yuan  rivers, 
would  open  the  provinces  of  Kiangsi  and  Hunan 
effectively.  These  and  other  lines  would  act  as 
“feeders”  to  the  mighty  Yangtsze,  and  develop  a 
most  important  and  remunerative  stream  of  com- 
merce, which  would  centre  chiefly  at  Hankau  and 
Shanghai.  Carried  across  the  low  “ divide  ” between 
the  Yangtsze  and  West  rivers,  railways  will  some 
day  be  e.xtended  to  Canton,  and  be  the  means  of  de- 
veloping an  enormous  inter-provincial  traffic. 

Below  the  Poyang,  in  its  course  through  the  popu- 
lous province  of  Anhwei,  a distance  of  some  two 
hundred  miles,  the  Yangtsze  passes  a succession  of 
towns,  many  of  them  of  importance,  the  treaty  port 
for  this  region  being  Wuhu.  It  promises  to  develop 
into  a great  rice-exporting  centre,  though  liable  to 
suffer  seriously  from  inundations.  At  Nanking, 
the  old  capital  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  where  the 
Yangtsze  enters  the  province  of  Kiangsu,  the  delta 
and  its  low  flat  lands  commence,  soon  opening  out 
into  the  estuary  of  the  Yangtsze.  Chinkiang,  the 
port  of  the  Kiangsu  province,  is  situated  where  the 
Grand  Canal  reaches  the  Yangtsze.  It  occupies  an 


133 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


important  position,  and  one  highly  favorable  for  ex- 
tending foreign  trade,  but,  owing  to  the  hinderances 
of  likin  barriers  and  to  steamers  not  being  allowed 
to  ply,  the  place  has  not  progressed  as  it  might, 
though  its  trade  has  already  reached  a value  of 
nearly  ^5,000,000. 

The  next  two  open  ports,  which,  though  not 
situated  on  the  Yangtsze,  are  on  the  Grand  Canal, 
and  intimately  connected  with  Shanghai,  are  Suchau 
and  Hangchau,  the  latter  the  capital  of  the  Chekiang 
province.  In  the  opinion  of  Brenan  the  opening 
of  these  two  cities  will  make  very  little  difference 
to  the  import  trade,  and  he  considers  it  doubtful 
whether  Suchau  will  displace  Shanghai  as  a centre 
of  distribution  even  for  the  neighboring  districts, 
though  he  thinks  that  Hangchau,  owdng  to  its  posi- 
tion on  the  Tsientang  River,  may  become  the  dis- 
tributing city  for  central  Chekiang.  From  Chinki- 
ans:  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  are  still  some  two 
hundred  miles  to  be  traversed.  At  the  debouchure 
the  width  is  sixty  miles,  and  although  the  channel  is 
in  places  over  thirty  feet  deep,  the  navigation  is 
much  obstructed  by  the  numerous  mud  and  sand 
banks  which  are  constantly  forming.  The  dense 
fogs,  which  so  often  envelop  the  whole  estuary  and 
neighboring  seaboard,  form,  however,  the  greatest 
obstacle  and  the  most  dreaded,  causing  every  year 
the  loss  of  many  vessels. 

The  port  of  entry  to  the  Yangtsze  is  Shanghai, 
the  commercial  metropolis  of  China  and  the  port 
of  foreign  imports  for  all  China  north  of  25°  of  lati- 

134 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


tude.  Fifty-five  per  cent,  of  the  total  value  of  the 
foreign  imports  at  all  the  treaty  ports,  and  forty- 
eight  per  cent,  of  the  exports  to  foreign  countries, 
pass  through  the  port  of  Shanghai.  Of  recent 
years  it  has  become  a manufacturing  centre  where 
silk  and  cotton  are  produced  by  machinery.  The 
silk  filatures  are  numerous,  while  the  cotton  mills 
at  Shanghai  and  Hankau  are  thirteen  in  number, 
containing  417,000  spindles  and  2100  looms,  with 
a large  and  increasing  output.*  The  total  trade 
of  Shanghai  in  foreign  bottoms,  import  and  export, 
amounted  in  1895  to  ^35,772,006. 

Having  now  dealt  with  the  provinces  of  Yunnan, 
Kweichau,  and  Szechuan,  which  form  southwestern 
China,  and  with  the  Yangtsze,  the  main  artery  of 

* See  “The  Economic  Question,”  Chapter  III.  According  to  the 
Imperial  Maritime  Customs  Returns,  the  exports  of  mill  products 
from  Shanghai  and  Hankau  for  the  years  1892-1896  were  ; 


SHANGHAI 


Goods 

1892 

1893 

1894* 

1895 

1896 

Drills  pcs  ... 

37.930 

56,840 

4.212 

31.090 

Sheetings  “ ... 

58.357 

64,661 

— 

■ 

48,100 

Shirtings  “ ... 

— 

— 

— 

— 

55,526 

Yarn  piculs... 

1,492 

23 

— 

14.593 

12.444 

HANKAU 


Goods 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

Drills  pcs  ... 

_ 

5.970 

4.255 

1,560 

Shirtings  “ ... 

— 

— 

70,288 

94.698 

72,980 

Yarn  piculs... 

2,013 

4.413 

7.263 

18,868 

* Manufactory  burned  down. 

135 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


trade  in  the  centre  of  the  Empire,  we  now  pass  to 
southern  China  and  its  chief  waterway,  the  Si  kiang 
or  West  River,  which  forms  an  important  channel 
of  trade  for  Kwangtung,  Kwangsi,  Kweichau,  and 
Yunnan.  The  account  of  that  river  given  in  Across 
Chryse — the  narrative  of  my  exploration  in  1882 — 
conveys  the  impression  that  the  river  flows  through 
a region  not  only  unruly,  but  very  poor,  until  it 
reaches  the  recently  opened  treaty  port  of  Wuchau. 
But,  as  was  pointed  out,  the  ruined  cities  along  this 
part  of  the  river  show  signs  of  former  prosperity 
and  even  grandeur  that  passed  away  owing  to  the 
Taiping  and  Mohammedan  rebellions,  which  deci- 
mated the  population,  destroyed  trade,  or  diverted  it 
into  other  channels. 

The  important  branch  of  the  West  River  is  the 
Liu  stream,  which  is  navigable  for  a long  distance 
to  boats  drawing  three  feet  of  water.  Bourne,  who 
followed  this  stream  through  Kwangsi,  states  that 
the  Liutan  rapid  near  Hsiinchau  is  the  only  diffi- 
culty in  the  navigation  of  this  stream  by  light- 
draught  vessels  far  past  the  town  of  Liu,  to  the 
heart  of  Kwangsi.  The  Hung  Shui,  which  joins 
the  Liu  stream,  as  Bourne  shows,  is  extremely  diffi- 
cult of  navigation  and  little  used  for  traffic.  At 
Hsunchau  the  Liu  joins  the  Hsun  or  Nan,  which  is 
the  main  channel  of  trade,  known  in  its  lower  sec- 
tion as  the  Si  kiang  or  WTst  River.  This  river 
rises  in  Yunnan,  passes  Pose,  the  navigation  limit 
for  boats  in  Kwangsi,  and  flows  past  Nanning.  Just 
above  that  city  it  receives  a tributary,  the  Tso 

136 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


River,  which  rises  in  Tongking  and  flows  close  by 
Lungchau,  having  on  its  left  bank  the  town  of 
Taiping.  On  the  main  river,  twenty  miles  below 
Hslinchau,  is  situated  Chiangkau,  an  important  dis- 


SKETCH  MAP  SHOWING  NAVIGATION  LIMITS  OF  SI  KIANG  OR  WEST  RIVER 


tributing  centre.  In  this  part  of  the  West  River 
is  found  a striking  example  of  the  circuitous  routes 
to  which  trade  may  be  driven  by  taxation.  At  two 
towns  a short  distance  above  Wuchau  are  likin 
stations,  which  has  led  to  the  country  there  being- 
supplied  with  foreign  goods  from  Pakhoi,  while 
Tang,  the  next  town  below,  is  supplied  from  \\  u- 
chau,  a prosperous  place  situated  at  the  junction  of 
the  Fu  and  West  rivers.  Light-draught  steamers 
ply  to  Wuchau  from  Canton  and  Hongkong,  more 
than  one  third  the  distance  to  Pose.  Close  to  Can- 


'37 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ton,  at  the  mouth  of  the  North  River,  is  Samshui,  a 
new  treaty  port. 

The  Si  kiang  once  opened  effectively,  the  south- 
ern provinces  would  rapidly  recover  their  former 
flourishing  condition.  xAs  regards  the  question  of 
navigation,  much  remains  to  be  done  in  opening  the 
river  thoroughly.  And  while  there  is  no  possibility 
of  making  it  navigable  to  the  borders  of  Yunnan, 
it  is  certain  that  Nanning,  a commercial  centre  of 
great  importance,  can  be  opened  to  steam  naviga- 
tion. By  merely  clearing  slightly  the  channel  at 
the  rapids,  making  better  tow-paths  in  certain  parts, 
and  providing  these  where  they  do  not  exist,  much 
might  be  done  on  the  upper  reaches  of  the  river. 
The  road  from  Yunnan  fu,  the  capital,  to  Pose, 
might  be  greatly  shortened,  and,  with  a properly  or- 
ganized service  of  river  patrol,  such  as  exists  on  the 
Yangtsze,  rendering  life  and  property  secure,  an  im- 
portant trade  might  be  developed. 

The  chief  routes  along  which  trade  travels  in 
southern  China  are:  (i)  the  West  River,  (2)  the 
Pakhoi-Nanning-Pose  route,  (3)  the  French  routes, 
from  Tongking  northward  to  Lungchau-Nanning, 
and  on  the  west  via  the  Red  River  to  Laokai  and 
Mengtse. 

The  natural  channel  of  trade  between  Hongkong 
and  southwestern  China  is  the  West  River.  Owing, 
however,  to  the  obstacles  raised  by  taxation  and 
the  non-enforcement  of  the  transit-pass,  trade  was 
diverted  to  other  channels,  such  as  the  Pakhoi- 
Nanning  route,  and  later  to  the  Tongking  route, 

138 


ENGLAND’S  OBJECTIVE  IN  CHINA 


the  French  having  insisted  on  the  effective  carrying 
out  of  the  transit-pass  system,  via  Mengtse.  At 
present  British  goods  are  actually  sent  from  Hong- 
kong through  French  territory,  via  Mengtse,  to 
within  seven  days  of  Bhamo  in  Burma.  The  Lung- 
chau  route,  whatever  its  merits  might  have  been  had 
the  railway  line  from  Pakhoi  to  Nanning*  not  been 
secured  by  the  French  Government,  is  now  of  quite 
secondary  importance.  Should  the  West  River  not 
at  once  be  effectively  opened  throughout  its  course, 
then  the  Pakhoi-Nanning-Yunnan  route  is  bound  to 
command  the  largest  share  of  the  trade  of  south  and 
southwestern  China. 

Having  now  passed  under  review  the  provinces 
of  south  and  southwestern  China  and  the  great 
waterways  — the  Yangtsze  and  West  rivers  — we 
may  inquire  what  measures  should  be  adopted  to 
improve  the  present  state  of  affairs,  in  the  interest 
of  China  and  of  foreign  trade. 

The  first  step  that  suggests  itself  is  the  improve- 
ment of  communications  by  railways  and  steam  navi- 
gation. So  far  as  railways  are  concerned,  Burma 
should  be  connected  with  Tali  and  Yunnan  fu,  Yun- 
nan fu  with  Nanning,  Canton  with  Kaulun.  This 
would  effectively  open  the  whole  of  southern  China 
lying  between  Burma  and  the  British  colony  of 
Hongkong.  Yunnan  fu  should  also  be  connected, 
to  the  northeast,  with  Sui  fu,  on  the  Upper  Yang- 
tsze, the  navigation  limit  of  that  waterway.  The 


Proposed  by  the  writer  many  years  ago. 
^39 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


south  should  also  be  connected  with  central  China 
by  railways.  Steam  navigation  should  at  once  be 
extended  to  Nanning  and  to  Sui  fu,  and  also, 
wherever  practicable,  throughout  all  the  inland 
waters. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  creation  of  proper 
communications  is  the  question  of  taxation.*  All 
travellers,  in  southern  China  especially,  dwell  inces- 
santly on  the  obstacles  to  trade  resulting  from  the 
collection  of  so  many  various  taxes.  The  British 
Government  should  insist  on  their  treaty  rights, 
especially  the  enforcement,  so  successfully  accom- 
plished by  the  French  Government,  of  the  transit- 
pass  system. 

It  is  from  Burma,  on  the  one  hand,  and  from 
Shanghai  and  Hono-kons^,  on  the  other,  that  En^- 
land  must,  by  the  aid  of  steam  applied  overland  and 
by  water,  effectively  occupy  the  Upper  Yangtsze 
region,  the  key  to  our  position  in  China.  China  has 
ceased  to  be  a buffer,  and  England  must  effectively 
occupy  the  Yangtsze  region  and  southern  China,  if 
she  seriously  means  to  hold  her  own. 


See  “Commercial  Development,”  Chapter  VI. 


CHAPTER  VI 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 

The  two  chief  European  competitors  in  Eastern 
Asia  are  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  the  former  repre- 
senting land  concjuest,  the  latter  sea  trade.  Russia 
has  rapidly  moved  down  from  the  north,  Great  Brit- 
ain has  made  her  way  round  the  southern  coasts  and 
peninsulas.  Russia  now  borders  north  China,  and 
her  war  ports,  Vladivostok,  Port  Arthur,  and  Ta- 
lienwan,  watch  the  Pacific  and  dominate  the  north- 
ern waters  of  the  Chinese  seas.  Russia’s  commerce 
* 

is  as  yet  insignificant.  Germany  has  been  a serious 
trade  competitor  in  the  past,  and  will  be  still  more 
so  in  the  future.  The  United  States  and  Japan  are 
certain  to  develop  their  trade  relations  with  increas- 
ing energy.  Finally,  France  will  continue  her  polit- 
ical campaign  under  the  guise  of  commerce. 

All  the  facts  regarding  the  unsatisfactory  condi- 
tion of  our  trade  with  China  tend  to  teach  us  one 
lesson — how  necessary  it  is  to  open  China,  to  push 
our  manufactures  into  the  country,  and  pay  the  pro- 
ducer direct  for  his  produce  with  the  cottons,  broad- 
cloths, and  other  manufactures  which  we  send  to 
China.  The  question  is  one  with  which  our  com- 
mercial future  is  so  closely  connected  that  it  is  hard 

141 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  understand  why  a deeper  interest  is  not  taken  in 
it.  The  British  manufacturer  at  home  leaves  the 
task  entirely  to  his  agent  abroad,  and  he,  hard- 
headed,  practical  business  man,  looks  only  to  the 
immediate  present.  At  only  twelve  out  of  the 
eighteen  ports*  are  there  British  subjects  engaged 
in  any  sort  of  trade,  and  at  only  three  or  four  are 
they  interested  in  the  import  trade.  The  foreign 
firms  are  more  and  more  ceasing  to  be  merchants  in 
the  true  sense  of  the  word ; and,  rather  than  push 
the  interior  trade  and  risk  the  market  in  China,  they 
prefer  to  settle  terms  before  the  merchandise  leaves 
Europe  ; in  fact,  in  yearly  increasing  numbers,  to  act 
as  mere  commission  agents.  Of  the  textiles  im- 
ported from  England  and  America,  actually  as  much 
as  one-half  is  specially  indented  for  under  instruc- 
tions from  Chinese  dealers. 

The  native  has  great  advantages  in  disposing  of 
his  goods  at  the  treaty  ports.  He  is  in  touch  with 
the  up-country  dealers,  knows  the  standing  of  the 
people  he  is  dealing  with,  and  is  able  to  obtain  in- 


* At  present  British  subjects  are  at  liberty  to  carry  on  business  at 
eighteen  ports  in  China.  These  are : Niuchvvang,  Tientsin,  Chifu, 
on  the  northern  coast;  Chungking,  Ichang,  Hankau,  Kiukiang, 
Wuhu,  Chinkiang,  and  Shanghai,  on  the  Yangtsze  River;  Ningpo, 
Wenchau,  Fuchau,  Amoy,  Swatau,  Canton,  Hoihau  (Kiungchau), 
and  Pakhoi,  on  the  coast  south  of  the  Yangtsze.  To  these  must  be 
now  added  Shashi  on  the  Yangtsze,  between  Ichang  and  Hankau; 
Hangchau  and  Suchau,  two  inland  cities  near  Shanghai ; Wuchau 
and  Samshui  on  the  West  River,  and  Ssumao  and  Lungchau  in  the 
south.  It  is  also  reported  that  three  other  ports  have  been  opened 
— Yochau,  on  the  Tungting  lake;  Chungwang.  on  the  Gulf  of  Pe- 
chihli ; and  Tuning  in  Fukien. 


142 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


formation  about  markets  which  the  foreigner  can- 
not; moreover,  the  power  of  combination,  so  strong 
a feature  of  the  Chinese,  enables  them  to  control  the 
market  and  to  render  the  business  of  foreign  com- 
petitors unprofitable.  The  business  of  the  British 
import  merchant,  then,  being  chiefly  confined  to 
Hongkong  and  Shanghai,  the  further  distribution 
of  merchandise  throughout  China  is  almost  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  Chinese.  But  the  Chinese  agency, 
however  satisfactory  once  a trade  has  been  estab- 
lished, is  not  a good  one  for  breaking  fresh  ground 
and  pushing  trade  in  the  interior,  for  the  Chinese 
have  no  initiative. 

Perhaps  undue  stress  has  always  been  laid  on  the 
obstructions  offered  to  trade  extension  by  the  exac- 
tions of  the  mandarins.  That  is  undoubtedly  a 
serious  barrier,  but  a still  greater  one — as  shown 
nearly  thirty  years  ago  in  a very  able  Report  of  the 
delegates  of  the  Shanghai  Chamber  of  Commerce* 
on  the  trade  of  the  Upper  Yangtsze — is  the  inertia 
of  a people  of  stagnant  ideas,  who  are  not  enterpris- 
ing, and  whose  means  of  intercommunication  are 
very  limited. 

“ They  will  not  advance  towards  foreigners  to  seek  their  trade 
until  foreigners  have  pressed  it  on  them.  Foreigners  must  provide 
the  means  of  bringing  different  parts  of  the  Empire  into  close 
communication  ; they  must  also,  to  a certain  extent,  create  the 
wants  which  they  wish  to  supply,  by  offering  their  goods,  and 
‘introducing’  them  to  their  customers.  Commerce  everywhere 
requires  to  be  energetically  pushed  to  be  successful,  and  this  is 
peculiarly  true  of  the  trade  in  foreign  manufactures  in  China; 


China,  No.  i.  1870. 

143 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


though  the  Chinese  are  themselves  incapable  of  originating  any 
such  improvement,  they  are  very  ready  to  avail  themselves  of  it 
when  provided  for  them.  But  the  spirit  of  enterprise  is  all  on  the 
side  of  the  foreigners,  and  the  onus  of  every  forward  mov'ement  in 
commerce  must  necessarily  rest  on  them.”* 

A reputation  for  examining  problems  which  do 
not  affect  the  immediate  present  seems  to  carry 
with  it  in  business  certain  disadvantages.  The  man 
who  does  this  is  set  down  as  wanting  in  practical 
shrewdness,  and  in  time  acquires  a name  for  being 
a theorist,  which  means  ruin.  It  is,  my  business 
friends  have  always  told  me,  a case  of  future  and 
theory  versus  present  and  practice.  The  fact  is,  the 
merchant  comes  to  China  to  make  money,  and  to 
retire  as  soon  as  possible.  His  first  consideration  is 
to  get  orders  and  contracts,  and  he  is  quite  indif- 
ferent as  to  the  country  of  origin  of  the  goods  he 
handles.  I once  heard  the  whole  question  disposed 
of  thus  by  a successful  business  man — need  I say  he 
was  a Scotchman  } — “ My  dear  sir,  I am  not  working 
for  posterity.” 

In  all  matters  of  patience,  and,  it  must  be  added, 
also  of  “ push,”  of  taking  trouble  and  enduring  dis- 
agreeable experiences,  the  Britisher  compares  un- 
favorably with  the  young  German.  The  “ trivial  ” 

* This  view  of  the  situation  is  fully  borne  out  by  Messrs.  Brenan 
and  Bourne,  who  recently  investigated  the  question  of  China  trade. 
“If  the  interchange  of  commodities,”  says  the  former,  "between 
the  East  and  the  West  is  to  grow,  it  is  the  Western  merchant  who 
must  discover  what  more  the  Chinaman  has  to  give  us  in  exxhange 
for  our  manufactures.  The  initiative  must  come  from  our  side, 
and  until  we  can  take  more  from  China,  she  must  not  be  expected 
to  take  more  from  us.” 


144 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


business,  involving  great  detail,  is  not  congenial  to 
the  English  merchant.  It  is  not  in  his  “line.”  But 
somehow,  as  Brenan  well  remarks,  “ there  always 
seems  to  be  a German  in  whose  line  it  is.”* 

The  Russians,  too,  like  the  Germans,  are  very 
painstaking,  enterprising,  and  pushing  in  business, 
not  only  in  Mongolia,  but  also  in  the  western  prov- 
inces of  China.  Caravans  from  Moscow  and  To- 
bolsk actually  find  their  way  by  the  long  overland 
route  to  the  city  of  Lanchau,  and  it  is  surely  a sig- 
nificant fact  that  Russia  is  already  able  to  compete 
against  England  in  that  region.  Every  one  who  has 
seen  anything  of  western  China  is  struck  by  the  lack 
of  British  commercial  enterprise  there,  as  in  other 
parts  of  the  interior  of  China;  but  in  the  northwest 
the  traders  of  Russian  Central  Asia  are  gradually 
pushing  their  way  and  establishing  a firmer  hold 
upon  the  markets.  The  British  trader  works  on  a 
totally  different  system.  He  settles  at  the  treaty 
port,  declines  to  learn  the  “ beastly  language,”  and  is 
content  to  intrust  his  goods  to  Chinese  agencies 
for  disposal  inland.  Thus  illegal  taxes  are  exacted 
during  inland  transit,  which  tend  to  destroy  British 
trade.  Until  recently,  the  only  European  agent  in 
northwestern  or  western  China  employed  by  a British 
firm  to  look  after  their  inland  trade,  was  a German. 

* To  show  how  anxious  the  Germans  are  to  meet  the  wants  of 
the  Chinese,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  there  are  certain  firms  in 
Hamburg  which  collect  old  horseshoes  all  over  Germany,  then  sort 
them  and  ship  them  out  in  bulk.  When  a Chinaman  now  gives  an 
order  for  old  iron,  it  is  always  set  out  in  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
tract that  they  are  to  be  Hamburg  horseshoes. 

145 


K 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


There  is  singularly  little  intercourse  between  foreign- 
ers and  natives,  even  in  matters  of  business,  both 
in  China  and  Japan.  Among  merchants  few  have 
knowledge  of  the  language  or  have  acquaintances 
among  the  business  men  of  good  position,  and  all 
are  dependent  on  the  “comprador”  of  China  and 
the  “ banto  ” of  Japan.  Both  Bourne  and  Brenan 
emphasize  the  harm  done  by  trusting  implicitly  to 
the  “ comprador  ” system. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  competition  in  the 
northwest,  as  elsewhere,  will,  with  the  improvement 
of  communication,  become  keener  and  keener,  and 
our  merchants  will  have  to  exert  themselves  in  a 
very  different  fashion  from  that  hitherto  obtaining  if 
they  mean  to  hold  their  own.  The  Russian  trader 
is  always  a storekeeper.  He  is  not  above  serving  in 
his  own  store,  and  does  not  leave  that  to  a Chinese. 
The  Russians,  in  fact,  are  content  to  carry  on  busi- 
ness in  a very  small  way  and  to  take  small  profits, 
such  as  the  British  trader  would  scorn.  This  lofty 
stand-point,  indeed,  seems  a characteristic  of  the 
British  trader,  as  compared  with  the  Russian  or 
German,  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the  latter  are 
relatively  much  poorer.  The  stereotyped  character 
of  the  foreign  trade  and  the  absence  of  initiative  and 
enterprise  on  the  part  of  British  manufacturers  have 
long  been  matter  of  comment. 

The  reasons  that  the  wants  of  the  distant  Chinese 
consumers  are  not  supplied  to  a greater  extent  by 
foreign  merchants  have  been  inquired  into  by  Brenan, 
who  thinks  that  “ the  trade  would  combine  against 

146 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


the  foreigner,  and  that  men  of  small  capital  could 
not  carry  on  the  fight”;  that  “there  is  a lack  of  that 
feeling  of  enterprise  which  it  is  necessary  to  possess 
and  exercise  before  the  connections  in  the  interior 
can  be  formed.”  A third  reason,  in  his  opinion,  is 
supplied  in  the  existence  of  “misgivings  which  fill 
the  minds  of  the  British  merchants,  lest  they  should 
not  receive  adequate  support  and  protection  from 
their  own  authorities  when  they  are  in  difficulties 
— an  apprehension  that  they  will  be  left  to  shift 
for  themselves,  and  that  the  British  authorities  will 
allow  them  to  suffer  unjust  losses.”  It  is  this  lack 
of  confidence  in  our  Government  that  has  discour- 
aged the  British  merchant  and  caused  him  to  avoid 
any  venture  except  such  as  he  knows  to  be  quite 
safe.* 

It  would  be  to  the  advantage  of  foreign  merchants 
as  a body  to  take  trouble  to  examine  patiently  the 
actual  conditions  of  life  among  the  Chinese,  in  order 
to  deduce  therefrom  some  fresh  ideas,  based  on 


* “ A long  and  painful  experience  of  thwarted  efforts  has  had 
such  a discouraging  effect  on  foreigners  in  China  that  a condition 
of  stagnation  has  come  to  be  acccepted  as  in  the  nature  of  things. 

“ A merchant  is  not  a missionary.  He  derives  little  satisfaction 
from  being  assured  that  his  complaint  is  well  founded,  and  that  he 
is  entitled  to  reparation  ; he  looks  at  his  chances  of  obtaining  rep- 
aration, and  if,  as  frequently  happens,  he  sees  that  these  are  re- 
mote, and  that  his  officials  can  do  no  more  for  him  than  address 
futile  remonstrances  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  he  retires  from  the 
unprofitable  business,  and,  instead  of  spending  his  time  and  money 
in  upholding  treaty  rights,  he  devotes  these  to  other  purposes  where 
the  prospects  are  more  encouraging.”— Brenan,  China,  No.  1909. 
1897. 


147 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


something  better  than  mere  conjecture,  as  to  how 
to  supply  the  wants  of  the  people.  How  to  extend 
commercial  measures  in  China  peacefully,  without 
the  unnecessary  intervention  of  war,  is  a problem 
to  which  attention  was  directed  as  far  back  as  forty 
years  ago,  and  which  need  not  have  baffled  our 
statesmen  had  they  only  been  guided  by  an  intelli- 
gent appreciation  of  facts.  At  present  we  are  only  on 
the  fringe  of  China,*  with  merely  one  shaft  partially 
driven  into  the  heart  of  the  country — the  Yangtsze. 
Open  China,  develop  internal  industries,  especially 
mining.  The  more  the  exports  of  China  are  in- 
creased the  greater  will  be  the  foreign  import  trade. 
Bring  goods  under  the  eyes  of  the  population  in  the 
interior,  and,  if  you  deliver  a good  and  cheap  article, 
the  Chinaman  will  buy. 

The  Chinaman  is  clannish  and  conservative,  but 
he  is  remarkably  free  from  prejudice,  religious  or 
patriotic,  especially  in  matters  of  tangible  interest. 
Unlike  the  Japanese,  he  has  a natural  objection  to 
alter  his  clothes,  for  they  suit  him  better  than  any 
other.  But  he  has  no  objection  to  purchasing  the 
article  which  he  judges  to  be  the  cheapest  and  best, 
wherever  it  may  come  from  ; and  moreover — an  im- 
portant point — he  has  a taste  for  luxuries,  if  he  can 
afford  them.f  He  is  very  sensible  in  his  economy, 

* “ Ouand  on  parle  de  la  Chine  on  oublie  trop  que  le  contact  n’est 
encore  etabli  avec  la  civilisation  occidentale  que  sur  quelques  points, 
que  Ton  peut  considerer  comme  perdus  dans  la  masse.  L’immense 
majorite  des  Chinois  ne  connaissent  ni  I’Europeen,  ni  les  produits 
europeens.” — The  Lyons  Commercial  Mission. 

t Talking  of  the  non-Chinese  inhabitants  of  China,  and  of  the 

148 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


and  if  he  prefers  the  home-made  article,  it  is  because 
he  finds  it  cheaper  and  more  enduring.  Native 
patterns  of  cloth,  both  woollen  and  cotton,  will 
find  buyers,  if  laid  down  cheaper  than  the  foreign 
article.  Though  the  Chinese  are  conservative,  for- 
eign articles  are  creeping  into  use.  Clocks,  watches, 
matches,  lamps,  red  blankets  are  now  seen  not  only 
everywhere  in  the  seaport  towns  and  near  the  coast, 
but  far  inland.  But  the  manufacturer  at  home  is 
ignorant  of  the  requirements  of  the  Chinese,  and  the 
merchant  abroad  dislikes  the  work  of  forcing  man- 
ufactures into  the  interior.  The  business  is  regard- 

O 

ed  as  unprofitable ; and  it,  of  course,  requires  ex- 
traordinary exertion,  knowledge  of  the  language, 
and  study  of  the  country.* 

Grave  loss  of  business  is  caused  to  English  manu- 
facturers by  an  unbending  adherence  to  established 
standards.  This  defect  in  our  system,  which  has 
been  so  long  a trait  of  our  countrymen,  has  been  re- 
absence among  them  of  much  taste  for  luxury,  Bourne  remarks: 
" The  Chinese  everywhere  emphatically  has  [this  taste];  he  may  be 
trusted  to  buy  luxuries  to  the  full  extent  of  his  means.  It  is  this 
quality  which  will  some  day  make  the  foreign  trade  of  China  of  gi- 
gantic dimensions.” 

* What  can  be  accomplished  in  this  direction  has  recently  been 
made  clear  by  the  enterprise  of  Messrs.  Coats,  the  sewing-thread 
manufacturers,  and  their  able  agent,  Mr.  Wenyon,  who  has  opened 
thirty  agencies  in  the  interior,  south  of  the  Yangtsze. 

Bourne  lays  special  stress  upon  the  importance  of  commercial 
recruits  learning  colloquial  Chinese,  “ enough  to  talk  about  a very 
narrow  range  of  subjects.”  Mr.  Bell,  of  the  Blackburn  Mission, 
learned  enough  Mandarin  in  six  months  to  make  himself  understood 
on  everyday  subjects.  To  make  a Chinese  scholar  of  a youth,  would, 
as  Bourne  truly  remarks,  ruin  him. 

149 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


peatedly  dwelt  on  by  consular  officers  and  many 
travellers,  but  so  far  with  but  little  effect. 

Great  cheapness  is  essential  for  the  present,  and 
until  the  country  is  further  opened,  in  order  to  bring 
a commodity  within  the  narrow  means  of  the  general 
Chinese  consumer;  and  it  has  been  pointed  out  that 
“the  general  character  of  the  Chinaman,  which  com- 
bines great  thrift  with  minute  attention  to  detail  in 
business  transactions,  has  the  result  that  a very  slight 
difference  of  price  in  favor  of  one  of  two  competing 
articles  gives  it,  in  the  Chinese  market,  a dispropor- 
tionately great  advantage.  The  point  is  of  especial 
interest  in  view  of  the  keen  competition  between 
foreign  producers  for  the  markets  of  China  which 
are  now  about  to  be  opened  up ; it  is  probable  that 
relatively  slight  advantages  of  trade,  whether  enjoyed 
in  respect  of  railway  rates,  port  dues,  transit  duties, 
or  otherwise,  would  tell  more  heavily  in  the  Far 
East  than  in  any  other  market  of  the  world.”* 

In  manufactures  the  Chinaman  could  not  now 
compete  with  the  English  market  if  there  were  a 
proper  appreciation  of  Chinese  wants  and  anything 
like  reasonable  facilities  for  delivering  our  goods. 
In  China,  nails,  needles,  tacks,  scissors,  razors,  all  of 
the  most  primitive  character,  but  suitable  to  the 
wants  of  the  people,  are  produced ; but  the  process 
is  slow  and  comparatively  expensive.  China  is  not, 
and  cannot  become,  a manufacturing  country,  until 
coal,  iron,  and  other  industries,  and,  above  all,  the 


United  States  Diplomatic  and  Consular  Reports,  1898. 

150 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


communications,  are  properly  developed.  When  the 
cost  of  coal  is  diminished  by  improved  methods, 
steam  and  machinery  can  be  used  for  Chinese  man- 
ufactures, but  not  till  then.  It  is  in  her  mineral  re- 
sources that  chiefly  lies  the  future  wealth  of  China, 
but  there  is  also  much  to  be  done  in  the  direction  of 
the  improvement  of  the  products  of  the  soil. 

The  question  of  the  value  of  our  China  trade  has 
lately  been  under  discussion,  and  it  has  been  ques- 
tioned whether  there  was  reason  to  hope  for  any 
great  expansion.  What  was  the  view  of  Lord 
Palmerston,  the  one  English  statesman  who  seems 
to  have  understood  the  Chinese  question.^ 

“ Everybody  must  know  that  on  the  extension  of  our  commerce,” 
he  said,  in  a debate  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  1864,  “depend 
the  prosperity  of  our  country,  the  accumulation  of  our  capital,  the 
abundance  of  our  revenues,  and  the  strength  and  prosperity  of  the 
nation.  Any  measure,  therefore,  calculated  to  increase  the  com- 
mercial relations  of  the  country  is  deserving  of  praise,  because  it 
accords  with  the  interests  and  wishes  of  the  country.  It  was  long 
felt  that  China  would  open  a vast  field  of  commercial  enterprise 
to  us.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  among  other  things,  the  great 
expansion  of  commerce  with  that  Empire  has  enabled  us  to  meet, 
without  disaster,  the  unfortunate  obstruction  to  our  commerce  and 
manufactures  occasioned  by  events  still  going  on  in  America.  . . . 
What  must  be  the  commercial  advantages  to  this  country  if  it  can 
have  an  unimpeded,  uninterrupted  commerce  with  one-third  of  the 
human  race!” 

How  different  was  the  view  of  Bright! 

“Lord  Palmerston,”  he  said,  “attempted  to  persuade  the  House 
that  the  trade  with  China — the  most  miserable  trade  in  the  world 
when  compared  with  the  magnitude  of  the  population — was  of  so 
great  importance  to  the  working  classes  of  this  country  that  it 
was  worth  while  to  indulge  in  the  policy  which  he  has  carried  on, 

151 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


and  to  encounter  the  greater  expenses  which  have  been  incurred. 
Now  I will  venture  to  say  that  our  trade  with  China — I speak  of 
our  exports  from  England  to  China  for  many  years  back,  I believe 
for  thirty  years— has  not  left  one  single  farthing  of  profit.” 

Not  less  emphatic  was  Cobden  in  his  condem- 
nation of  the  Chinese  trade, 

“If  you  look  back  for  the  last  thirty-five  years,”  he  said,  “you 
will  find  that  China  is  the  only  country  that  has  disappointed  you; 
that  is,  that  the  exports  to  China  have  not  kept  pace  with  the 
natural  increase  of  your  trade  in  other  directions.  Last  year  j^our 
exports  to  China  were  _£3, 800,000,  your  exports  to  the  whole  of 
the  world  1 46,000,000 ; so  that  you  only  send  2^  per  cent,  of 
your  exports  to  China.  If  you  run  your  eye  over  the  table  of 
exports  you  will  find  that  China  stands  only  twelfth  in  the  list  of 
your  foreign  customers,  that  it  stands  even  below  Brazil  and  Egypt.” 

Cobden,  it  will  be  seen,  saw  no  hope  of  any  e.x- 
pansion  whatever,  just  as  the  political  economists  of 
to-day,  the  disciples  of  Cobden,  see  no  hope  for  the 
future.  Yet  British  trade  with  China  in  forty  years 
has  increased  more  than  fourfold,  and  that  on  a 
field  unopened,  while  we  are  on  the  eve  of  an  indus- 
trial development  in  China  which  will  revolutionize 
the  world. 

The  net  total  value  of  imports  and  exports  in 
1896  was  .^55,768,500;  and  the  total  gross  value, 
.^57,274,000,  of  which  British  dominions  contrib- 
uted .,^39,271,000,  leaving  for  all  other  nations 

1 8,003,000. 

Of  this  amount  (according  to  the  Board  of  Trade  fournaiy. 


Japan  contributed £^,,71^1,000 

Rest  of  Europe 4.585,000 

Russia 2.856,000 

Other  nations 5,767,000 


152 


18,003,000 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


The  percentage  of  carrying  trade  under  foreign  flags  was  : 


British 82.04 

German 7.49 

Japanese 1.34 

French 2.00 

Russian 0.59 

Other  nations 5.54 


100.00 

The  percentage  of  revenue  (dues  and  duties)  paid  under  foreign 


flags : 

British 76.04 

German 10.12 

French 2.95 

Japanese 2.28 

Russian 1.90 

Other  nations 6.71 


100.00 

In  estimating  the  commercial  interest  of  foreign 
countries  as  regards  China,  the  foregoing  returns  are 
significant,  showing  as  they  do  that  Great  Britain 
not  only  carries  82  per  cent,  of  the  total  foreign 
trade  with  China,  but  pays  76  per  cent,  of  the  dues 
and  duties  collected  in  that  trade. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  her  interest  is  very 
large.  It  may  safely  be  asserted  that,  with  the  aid 
of  India,  Australia,  Hongkong,  and  Singapore,  and 
of  the  British  markets  of  Africa  and  America,  she 
has  absorbed  considerably  more  than  four-fifths  of 
the  whole  trade  done  by  China  with  foreign  coun- 
tries. Hongkong  having  no  custom-house,  no  fig- 
ures, unfortunately,  are  available  to  indicate  the  vol- 
ume of  its  commerce.  As  shown  elsewhere,*  the 


See  Chapter  XII. 

153 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ever-increasing  prosperity  of  Hongkong  has  been 
marvellous. 

The  trade  of  the  chief  ports  is  shown  in  a con- 
venient form: 


1896 


Gross  Value  of  Trade 

Tonnage 

Gross 

British  ' 

1 

Niuchwang  (port  of  Manchu- 

riaj 

3.424,000 

664,000 

349.600 

Tientsin  (port  of  N.  China)... 

9 OCX), 000 

1,241,645 

583,000 

Shanghai  (emporium  for  X. 

and  C.  China) 

32,400,000 

8,000,000 

4,500,000 

{Xote. — The  British  share  of  the  gross 

trade 

of  Shanghai 

was  / 1 6, 500,000,  or 

over 

50  per  cent,,  and  of  the  import 

trade. 

^13,933,000 

out  of  /i  8,585,000, 

or  75  per  cent.) 

Canton 

6,669.000 

^ Nearly  all  passing 

Kaulun 

7,197,000 

^ through  Hongkong. 

Svvatow 

4,000,000 

1 Largely  passing 

through  Hongkong. 

In  considering  the  foreign  trade  with  China  it 
should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  trade  through 
Tongking  by  the  Red  River  route  is  almost  entirely 
a transit  trade  from  Hongkong,  and  that  the  trade 
of  Russia  is  chiefly  characterized  by  its  absence. 

Since  its  opening  to  foreign  commerce  in  1843, 
the  growth  of  Shanghai  has  been  rapid  and  steady, 
though,  like  Hongkong,  subject  to  vicissitudes,  of 
which  the  chief  was  the  Taiping  rebellion,  which 
devastated  the  adjoining  country. 

154 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


The  amount  of  smuggling  by  junks  along  the 
coast  is  known  to  be  very  considerable.  At  the 
ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  the  Foreign  Customs 
take  cognizance  only  of  cargoes  carried  in  foreign- 
built  ships  (whether  foreign  - owned  or  Chinese) ; 
and  alongside  the  Foreign  Customs  is  the  native 
custom-house,  still  controlling  the  trade  in  native 
junks  and  levying  duties  according  to  a tariff  of  its 
own.  Besides  the  ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  too, 
there  are  also  a great  number  of  places,  both  on  the 
coast  and  inland,  where  the  Chinese  Government 
have,  from  time  immemorial,  established  custom- 
houses.* 

The  United  States  are  deeply  concerned  in  the 
China  question,  both  from  the  industrial  and  politi- 
cal point  of  view.  Already  compelled  by  the  force 
of  circumstances  to  embark  on  a foreign  policy  and 
to  look  increasingly  to  foreign  markets,  they  cannot 
but  feel  that  the  question  is  of  vital  importance 
to  themselves.  And  it  is  evident  that  the  Pacific 
Slope,  though  at  present  playing  but  a small  part, 
is  more  closely  concerned  in  the  ultimate  develop- 
ment of  China  than  any  other  section  of  the  States. 
These  Pacific  States  are  possessed  of  enormous  nat- 

* “ These  are  known  by  the  generic  name  of  ‘ kwan,’  and  as  such 
are  readily  distinguished  from  the  modern  likin  stations,  which  are 
generally  termed  ‘ chia  ’ or  ‘ ka.’  It  would  be  tedious  to  enumer- 
ate all  these  places,  but  briefly  they  include  every  port  of  any  impor- 
tance on  the  coast  and  inland  waters,  and  certain  passes  on  the 
main  trade  routes,  such  as  Changchiakou  and  Shanhaikwan  on  the 
northern  frontier,  and  Taiping  and  Kanchau  between  Kwangtung 
and  Kiangsi.” — Consul-General  Jamieson,  China. 

155 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ural  resources : their  manufactures,  while  still  of 
minor  importance,  have  quadrupled  in  twenty  years, 
and  will,  in  the  course  of  time,  find  the  most  advan- 
tag^eous  market  in  the  Far  East.  And  when  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  is  made,  the  Atlantic  States  also 
will  be  brought  into  close  connection  with  China 
and  the  whole  of  the  Far  East.* 

The  volume  of  the  United  States  trade  with 
China  represented  more  than  one-seventh  the  entire 
foreign  trade  of  the  Empire  in  1896.  While  the 
import  trade  from  China  has  increased  slowly,  the 
export  trade  to  China  has  increased  126  per  cent,  in 
ten  years,  and  is  over  50  per  cent,  larger  than  the 
German  exports.! 

The  export  of  cotton  cloths  amounted  to  ^1,497,- 
000  in  1897,  or  nearly  one-half  the  entire  value  of 
cotton  cloths  sent  abroad  by  the  United  States. 
The  export  of  kerosene  oil  from  the  States  to  China 
now  ranks  second  in  importance  to  that  of  cotton 
goods,  and  is  likely  to  increase  at  a rapid  rate. 
The  Chinese  demand  is  quickly  growing,  and  the 


* See  The  Key  of  the  Pacific,  A.  R.  COLQUHOUN. 
t EXPORTS  TO  CHINA 


Products  of 

Year 

Value 

United  Kingdom... 
United  States 

1896 

L 

8,540,000 

1897 

3,396,000 

Germany 

1896 

2,264,000 

— Report  on  Trade  betweeti  the  United  States  and  China,  Hugh 
O'Beirne. 


156 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMExNT 


export  from  the  United  States  to  China  has  more 
than  trebled  in  value  in  the  past  ten  years.* 

The  Russian  oil  has  hitherto  been  the  only  seri- 
ous foreign  competitor  of  the  American  product,  but 
the  Langkat  oil  is  coming  rapidly  into  use.  The 
exports  of  wheat  flour  reached  a value,  in  1897,  of 
^678,000,  and  chemicals,  dyes,  etc.,  ;^20o,ooo. 

The  United  States  export  to  China  chiefly  cot- 
tons and  mineral  oils.  And  while  England — which 
so  far  practically  controls  the  China  trade — has 
most  to  lose  by  the  partition  of  China,  even  should 
she  receive  a large  share,  the  United  States  are 
deeply  concerned  in  the  question,  for  their  trade  is 
considerable  and  of  great  promise.  At  present  it  is 
restricted  to  commodities  which  would  be  hard  to 
sell  to  any  Chinese  port  not  under  the  conditions  of 
equal  trade,  and  probably  impossible  to  sell  in  any 
Asiatic  port  controlled  by  Russia  or  France. 

Japan  as  a manufacturing  country,  as  well  as  one 
with  political  aspirations,  is  an  important  factor  in 
the  China  question.  Year  by  year  the  quantity  of 
raw  material  imported  and  of  manufactured  articles 
exported  increases  steadily.  Unsuited  for  agricult- 
ure, and  with  a dense  population,  greater  than  that 


* The  United  States  export  of  kerosene  oil  to  China  has  been  ; 


Year 

Value 

Currency 

Sterling 

Dollars 

£ 

1888 

1 ,466,000 

293,000 

1897 

4,498,000 

899,000 

157 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


of  some  Western  lands,  Japan  is  forced  to  find  her 
future  in  industrial  development  rather  than  agri- 
culture, And  everything  possible  is  being  done  by 
Japanese  statesmen  and  publicists  to  convert  Japan 
from  an  agricultural  into  a manufacturinsf  countrv. 
Japan  has  now  1,000,000  spindles  running,  and 
makes  matches  not  only  for  herself  but  for  China, 
the  Straits,  India,  and  other  countries,  and,  as  regards 
cheapness,  in  many  lines  she  has  distanced  all  com- 
petitors. 

Enthusiastic  politicians  and  writers  in  Japan,  and 
not  there  alone,  were  sanguine  enough  to  predict 
the  time  when  Japan,  “the  Eastern  England,”* 
would  supply  all  the  markets  of  Europe  with  Euro- 
pean articles;  but  more  sober  views  now  prevail,  and 
the  counsel  to-day  given  to  Japanese  manufacturers 
by  their  leaders  is  to  cultivate  the  special  produc- 
tions in  which  Japan  excels  other  countries,  such  as 
silk,  tea,  artistic  manufactures,  and  articles  requiring 
great  expertness  of  fingers. t 


* Japan  has  never  been  full}' opened  to  foreign  trade.  The  ports 
in  Japan  open  to  foreign  commerce  are  six  in  number — namely, 
Yokohama,  Kobe  (or  Hiogo),  Osaka,  Nagasaki,  Hakodate,  and 
Niigata.  There  are  thirteen  other  ports  where  trade  with  foreign 
countries  is  permitted  under  certain  conditions,  but  these  ports  are 
only  open  to  the  Japanese  flag,  or  to  foreign  vessels  under  special 
charter  to  Japanese. 

+ “ Japan,  they  argue,  may  easily  beat  the  more  civilized  countries 
of  Europe  and  America  in  articles  where  artistic  skill  and  hand 
labor  play  a large  part,  but  to  compete  in  their  markets  with  me- 
chanical manufactures  in  which  they  are  themselves  so  proficient  is 
in  their  opinion  for  the  present  out  of  the  question.  As  to  the 
semi-civilized  nations  of  Asia,  Japan’s  endeavor  should  be  to  supply 

158 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


The  enterprise  and  self-confidence  of  the  Japanese 
led  them  to  believe  that  they  could  succeed  where 
Western  nations  had  done  so,  and  their  first  attempts 
at  imitating  foreign  manufactures  attracted  attention, 
but  the  general  conclusion  in  this  matter  now  is  that 
Japan  is  overrated  as  a manufacturing  country. 

A most  marked  feature  of  commercial  enterprise 
in  Japan  is  that  commercial  morality  there  is  inferior 
to  that  of  China.  There  is  always  a tendency  to 
deteriorate  in  all  articles,  for  as  soon  as  their  supe- 
riority or  cheapness  has  won  for  them  a place  in 
trade  the  standard  is  lowered  and  something  inferior 
is  produced.  Gradual  deterioration,  as  Brenan  re- 
marks, seems  the  inevitable  fate  of  all  articles  of 
Japanese  manufacture. 

In  the  matter  of  adhering  to  contracts  the  China- 
man stands  exceedingly  high,  but  not  so  the  Japanese. 
It  is  impossible  to  keep  the  ordinary  Japanese  to  his 
contract;  when  he  sees  the  market  groins:  ag^ainst 
him,  he  will  find  some  excuse  to  evade  his  engage- 
ment. The  foreign  merchants  in  Japan  meet  with 
difficulties  unknown  in  China.  No  one  would  at 
present  trust  to  a Japanese  merchant  either  to  faith- 


them  with  two  classes  of  merchandise  ; first,  such  articles  as  Japan 
already  manufactures  for  her  own  use:  and.  secondly,  articles  imi- 
tated from  foreign  patterns  and  designs,  which  are  already  in  de- 
mand in  Asiatic  countries.  Japan  must  begin  with  ruder  articles, 
and  gradually  advance  to  better  and  finer  articles.  The  commer- 
cial policy  advocated  by  those  in  authority  is  to  strive  to  attain 
perfection  by  assiduous  practice,  and  meantime  to  sell  the  work  of 
their  ’prentice  hands  to  those  semi-civilized  peoples  who  are  satis- 
fied with  cheap  and  inferior  commodities.” — Brenan, 

159 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


fully  execute  a contract  or  to  draw  a bill  on  shipment 
of  the  goods. 

Japan  looks  to  China  as  her  best  customer,  and 
very  wisely.  But  it  is  unlikely  that  she  will  secure 
the  China  market  as  a whole,  for  not  only  is  all  the 
trade  between  the  two  countries  in  Chinese  hands, 
even  in  Japan,  but  the  Chinese  are  establishing 
themselves  in  positions  in  Japan  which  the  Japanese 
have  no  excuse  for  allowing  them  to  occupy.  China, 
also,  is  already  becoming  a serious  competitor  as 
regards  coal,  and  at  the  present  rate  of  increase  the 
day  is  not  far  distant  when  Chinese  coal  will  be  used 
in  Japan  ; this,  too,  quite  apart  from  the  coming 
development  of  the  coal  fields  by  means  of  steam 
and  railways. 

As  Japan  has  to  import  her  raw  material  from 
India  and  China,  it  is  most  unlikely  that  she  will  be 
able  to  undersell  the  product  of  the  Bombay  or 
Shanghai  mills  in  neutral  markets.  It  is  more  prob- 
able that  the  Chinese  will,  under  foreign  guidance, 
prove  the  superior.  Chinese  labor  is  undoubtedly 
cheaper  and  more  efficient  than  Japanese. 

Inland  taxation  in  China  acts  as  a great  impedi- 
ment to  foreign  trade.  Every  merchant  can  bear 
testimony  to  the  difficulties,  delays,  and  “ squeezes  ” 
which  have  to  be  submitted  to  in  bringing  produce 
to  market,  or  getting  our  manufactures  into  the 
interior. 

The  question  of  likin  and  inland  taxation  is  dealt 
with  by  Brenan  and  Bourne,  and  has  been  exhaust- 
ively treated  by  Jamieson  in  an  extremely  able  re- 

160 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


port.  It  is  in  the  south  that  the  mischief  is  most 
felt.  Bourne  gives  a striking  example  of  this  evil 
close  to  Canton  ; he  says ; 


“ A piece  of  gray  shirtings  sent  from  Canton  to  Fatshan,  a very 
large  manufacturing  town  fifteen  miles  southwest  of  that  city, 
would  pay — 


Amount 

At  Canton,  as  above 

Tael 

0.204 

Entry  (kwa-hao)  paid  to  Hoppo,  0.072  fael,  plus  20  per 
cent.  “ expenses  ” squeeze 

0.092 

At  Fatshan,  cancellation,  hsiao-hao,  a “ squeeze  ” that 
has  gradually  increased  from  a nominal  payment 
to  about 

0.18 

0.476 

or  about  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  This  was  the  amount  demand- 
ed in  June,  1897;  no  doubt  a great  deal  less  was  paid  on  the  av- 
erage. 

“ By  taking  a transit  pass  for  these  goods  to  Fatshan,  of  course 
a great  deal  would  be  saved;  but  the  Canton  Government  has  so 
far  succeeded  in  resisting  our  right  to  transit  passes,  helped  by  the 
fact  that  the  import  trade  is,  as  I have  explained,  in  the  hands  of 
natives,  and  by  the  monopoly  ring  of  likin  officials  and  foreign 
compradores.” 


There  is  no  need  to  multiply  instances.  The 
duties,  as  fixed  by  tariff,  are  neither  excessive  nor 
prohibitive  ; but,  like  so  many  of  the  Confucian 
maxims,  they  are  seldom  or  never  acted  on.  The 
tariff,  in  fact,  is  a dead  letter.  Its  provisions,  in 

161 


L 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


practice,  vary  according  to  the  squeezing  power  of 
the  local  mandarins.* 

The  heavy  internal  taxation!  has  always  acted 
like  a paralysis  on  foreign  trade  before  it  could  reach 
a few  miles  inland  from  the  treaty  ports.  Owing  to 
the  increasing  absorption  of  the  provincial  revenues 
by  the  Imperial  Government,  the  seaboard  provinces, 
which  to  a large  extent  depended  on  maritime  duties, 
have  resorted  to  ruinous  inland  taxation.  This  has 
impoverished  and  discontented  all  classes  and  re- 
stricted trade.  The  turbulent  population  of  Kwang- 
tung  have  with  difficulty  been  restrained  from  show- 
ing their  resentment  at  the  exhaustive  taxation. 

“ Likin,”  which  used  to  be  regarded  as  illegal,  as 
one  of  the  many  “ squeezes  ” imposed  by  the  man- 
darins, is,  in  Jamieson’s  opinion,  just  as  legal  as  any 
other  form  of  taxation,  being  imposed  by  Imperial 
decree,  the  highest  form  of  legislation  known  to 
China.  Its  expediency,  he  says,  is  quite  another 

* “ In  estimating  the  provincial  opposition  to  the  scheme,  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  effect  of  the  transit-pass  system 
is  not  only  to  reduce  and  regulate  the  inland  dues,  but  it  is  also 
to  transfer  so  much  rev'^enue  from  the  provincial  to  the  Imperial 
Exchequer,  and  between  these  departments  there  is  a perpetual 
struggle.  In  agreeing  that  all  the  inland  charges  might  be  com- 
muted by  one  payment,  the  Central  Gov^ernment  made  a bargain 
profitable  to  itself,  and  left  the  execution  of  it  to  those  at  whose 
expense  it  had  been  made.” — Brenan,  China. 

t In  the  Chifu  Convention  the  following  clause  occurs:  "The 
Chinese  Government  agrees  that  Transit  Duty  Certificates  shall 
be  framed  under  one  rule  at  all  ports,  no  difference  being  made  in 
the  conditions  set  forth  therein  ; and  that  so  far  as  imports  are  con- 
cerned, the  nationality  of  the  person  possessing  and  carrjdng  these 
is  immaterial.” 


162 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


matter,  being  as  objectionable  as  possible.  In  its 
present  shape  it  first  appeared  about  1853;  but  it 
was  not  till  1860-61,  when  the  measures  adopted 
to  suppress  the  Taiping  rebellion  necessitated  in- 
creased expenditure,  that  it  became  universal.*  The 
whole  of  the  likin,  it  may  be  said,  is  borne  by  the 
trade  of  the  Yangtsze  and  the  Canton  rivers  and 
their  affluents,  and  this  fact  indicates  in  a very 
striking  manner  where  the  real  wealth  of  the  coun- 
try lies. 

There  are  many  reasons  why  it  would  be  advan- 
tao^eous  to  have  the  whole  of  the  taxes  on  trade 
consolidated  and  put  under  one  system. 

At  present  there  are  three  or  four  different  sets 
of  officials  collecting  taxes  from  the  same  goods,  and 
sometimes  even  competing  with  one  another.  This 
is  well  exemplified  in  the  province  of  Canton,  where 
there  are  (i)  the  Foreign  Maritime  Customs,  (2)  the 

* The  present  likin  tariff  is  based  upon  a notification  of  July  24, 
1865,  as  a result  of  certain  inquiries  made  by  order  of  the  provincial 
Government.  Regarding  the  likin  barriers,  Jamieson  says  : “Their 
numbers  and  frequency  depend  on  the  amount  of  the  trade,  and 
the  extent  to  which  it  will  stand  taxing  without  being  absolutely 
strangled.  In  some  places,  as  along  the  lower  ports  of  the  Grand 
Canal,  the  barriers  follow  one  another  at  intervals  of  twenty  miles 
or  so.  In  other  places,  where  trade  is  scanty  and  the  barriers  can 
be  turned  by  ditours,  there  are  few,  if  any.  A tariff  is  arranged, 
and  is  supposed  to  be  published  for  general  information,  but  noth- 
ing is  more  difficult  than  to  get  accurate  information  either  from 
the  merchants  or  officials  on  this  point.  In  point  of  fact  neither 
party  seems  to  pay  much  attention  to  the  authorized  tariff.  Nearly 
all  boats  are  passed  by  a system  of  bargaining,  the  officials  ask  so 
much,  the  merchant  makes  a bid,  and  they  haggle  till  they  come 
to  terms,” 


163 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Native  Maritime  Customs  under  the  Hoppo,  (3)  the 
Inland  Native  Customs,  and  (4)  the  likin  officials  ; 
all  four  levying  trade  taxes  which  cover  almost  ex- 
actly the  same  ground.  To  these  may  be  added 
the  salt  controller,  who  has  subordinates  scattered 
over  the  province.  Consolidation  would  lead  to 
gain,  not  only  on  the  part  of  the  merchant,  but  also 
of  the  Imperial  revenue. 

The  remedy  for  the  present  unsatisfactory  condi- 
tion of  our  trade  with  China  is  the  same  as  for  the 
political  situation.  It  consists  in  a revolution  of 
our  methods,  whether  governmental  or  private.  In- 
creased energy,  activity,  and  determination  are  nec- 
essary if  we  are  to  hold  our  own  in  the  commercial 
or  political  contest.  The  key  of  the  position,  which 
is  a politico- commercial  one,  is  that  Government 
should  be  strong,  resolute,  and  inspire  confidence. 
That  is  an  absolute  essential.  If  that  be  wanting, 
as  it  has  been  hitherto,  then  it  is  needless  to  discuss 
further  steps.  But,  provided  such  confidence  is  es- 
tablished, then  the  British  merchant  must  be  en- 
couraged and  supported  through  thick  and  thin. 
British  enterprise  must  be  pushed  inland  into  every 
crevice,  and  every  opportunity  must  be  utilized  in 
commercial  and  industrial  matters.  The  construc- 
tion of  a railway  system  throughout  the  country, 
the  use  of  steam  navigation  on  all  the  water-ways, 
the  opening  of  mines,  will  afford  scope  for  our  most 
strenuous  efforts,  our  highest  abilities.  On  the  side 
of  the  manufacturer  and  merchant  the  apathy  and 
want  of  adaptability  which  have  hindered  progress 

164 


COMMERCIAL  DEVELOPMENT 


must  be  shaken  off,  and  towards  this  end  it  is  nec- 
essary that  they  should  revolutionize  their  methods. 
First  and  foremost  there  must  be  knowledge  of  the 
country,  its  conditions,  and  especially  its  language ; 
there  must  be  the  readiness  to  do  the  disagreeable 
business,  to  deal  with  the  odds  and  ends  of  com- 
merce, which  hitherto  have  been  left  mainly  to  the 
German.* 

One  reform  in  our  system  has  been  repeatedly 
urged — namely,  the  appointment  of  a specially  com- 
missioned official  to  deal  with  commercial  cjues- 
tions.t  He  should  combine  in  his  person  special 
qualifications  for  performing  the  class  of  work  now 
inadequately  carried  on  by  some  twenty  consuls, 
all  working  independently ; and  the  appointment 
should  take  the  form  of  a superintendent  of  trade, 
with  powers  altogether  above  those  of  a mere  secre- 
tary. That  was  the  original  idea  in  dealing  with 
China,  and  it  is  worthy  of  adoption  now.  Such  a 
superintendent  should  work  in  close  touch  with  an 
advisory  board  of  merchants,  the  nucleus  for  which 

* In  1897  three  important  commercial  missions,  from  the  Black- 
burn and  Lyons  Chambers  of  Commerce  and  from  Germany,  vis- 
ited China,  and  investigated  on  the  spot  the  conditions  of  trade. 
It  is  understood  that  the  reports  of  the  French  and  German  mis- 
sions are  not  to  be  made  public.  Mr.  Bourne,  who  took  charge  of 
the  Blackburn  mission,  has  already  published  a valuable  report, 
and  the  reports  of  the  commercial  e.xperts,  Mr.  Neville  and  Mr. 
Bell,  are  just  about  to  be  published. 

t Government  recently  dealt  with  this  question  in  an  almost 
Chinese  manner,  the  title  of  commercial  attache  being  added  to  an 
already  overworked  official  of  Shanghai.  This  incident  affords  an 
admirable  example  of  the  art  of  “ makee-look-see.” 

165 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


exists  already  in  the  China  Association  of  Shanghai 
and  its  London  branch.  The  Foreign  Office  and 
the  British  Minister  in  Peking  should  also  be  in 
constant  consultation  with  this  advisory  board,  and 
be  influenced  by  them,  and  not  merely  pay  heed  to 
their  counsel  when  it  is  too  late. 

It  is  of  primary  importance  that  the  superintend- 
ent of  trade  should  be  a “live”  man,  and  not  the 
typical  bureaucrat  bound  in  red  tape,  and  that  he 
should  not  rest  content  with  compiling  statistics 
and  writing  reports,  but  make  it  the  cardinal  point 
of  his  duties  to  place  himself  in  the  closest  relation- 
ship with  traders,  British  and  native,  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  China.  Such  an  appointment, 
provided  only  the  right  man  were  selected,  would 
inspire  confidence,  stimulate  initiative,  and  lead  to 
substantial  results. 


CHAPTER  VII 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 

Perhaps  the  simplest  conception  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  China  is  to  regard  it  as  an  ancient  theoc- 
racy, the  Emperor  being  Pontifex  Maximus,*  and 
ruling  by  divine  right.  There  is  no  Church  or 
priesthood,  no  dogmas  to  become  obsolete,  no  ritual 
to  be  corrupted,  no  scriptures  to  be  perverted  or 
criticised,  but  only  one  Solitary  Man  standing  be- 
tween Heaven  and  Earth.  Hence,  perhaps,  the  un- 
exampled duration  of  a system  whose  ethereal  es- 
sence, unencumbered  with  perishable  integuments, 
is  superior  to  time  and  change.  The  Emperor 
worships  Heaven  pure  and  simple.  It  is  his  place 
to  declare  the  will  of  Heaven  to  the  people,  which 
it  must  be  admitted  he  does  with  much  modesty  and 
reserve.  He  is  responsible  to  Heaven  alone,  and 
bears  in  his  own  person  the  blame  of  Heaven’s  judg- 
ments on  the  people,  humbling  himself  in  sackcloth 
and  ashes  to  avert  the  divine  wrath. t But  as  none 

* “ A Particle  Chine,  on  verra  que  I’empereur  est  le  premier  pon- 
tife,  et  combien  le  culte  est  auguste  et  simple.” — Voltaire,  Dic- 
tionnaire  Philosophique. 

t “ Myriads  of  innocent  people  are  involved  by  me,  the  One  man,” 
said  the  Emperor  Taukwang,  in  a penitential  memorial  to  Imperial 

167 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


can  share  his  responsibility,  so  none  can  share  his 
authority.  Such  is  what  we,  with  a shade  of  irony, 
call  the  “ Celestial  Empire.” 

\hewed  from  the  terrestrial  stand-point,  we  reach 
the  same  result  by  an  inverse  process.  The  Im- 
perial structure  may,  with  as  much  accuracy,  be  re- 
garded as  the  supreme  development  of  the  family 
idea.  The  people  are  the  children,  the  Emperor 
the  great  father:  absolute  obedience  on  the  one  side, 
protection  and  nourishment  on  the  other;  such  is 
the  theoretical  relationship.  The  family,  the  master- 
key  to  all  Chinese  polity,  is  a mighty  power  in  sup- 
port of  order  culminating  in  the  Throne.  Parricide 
is  the  most  heinous  of  crimes,  and  rebellion  is  parri- 
cide, whence  it  comes  about  that  in  a country,  where, 
in  spite  of  certain  appearances  to  the  contrary, 
human  life  is  peculiarly  sacred,  sedition  is  sup- 
pressed by  wholesale  massacre. 

It  is  of  course  hard  to  bring  these  lofty  ideals  into 
harmony  with  the  grisly  reality  of  Palace  intrigues 
which  place  this  or  that  infant  in  the  seat  of  the  Son 
of  Heaven  to  the  accompaniment  of  assassination, 
but  it  is  convenient  nevertheless  to  bear  the  theory 
in  mind,  were  it  of  no  greater  utility  than  to  keep  us 
from  error  in  interpreting  the  forms  and  phraseology 
of  edicts  and  other  State  papers. 

More  important  for  practical  purposes  is  the 
Chinese  civil  administration,  which  may  be  consid- 
ered apart  from  the  abstract  theory  of  government. 

Heaven,  on  the  occasion  of  a drought  sent  as  a punishment  for  his 
shortcomings. 

1 68 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


And  the  first  point  deserving  notice  is  the  position 
of  the  absolute  Monarch  in  the  governing  machine. 
He  does  not,  in  practice,  govern  any  more  despoti- 
cally than  a constitutional  sovereign  or  the  president 
of  a Republic:  he  only  says  Yes  or  No  to  projects 
submitted  to  him  or  refers  them  “ to  the  Board 
concerned  for  further  consideration  and  report.” 
Though  the  power  of  initiative  is  vested  in  the  Em- 
peror, it  is  sparingly  used.  Besides  the  check  au- 
tomatically applied  by  the  official  mechanism,  an 
influence  less  definite  though  no  less  effective  over 
the  acts  of  the  Sovereign  is  exerted  by  the  body  of 
educated  opinion.  From  the  literary  oligarchy,  in- 
deed, Hue  considers  the  Central  Government  de- 
rives its  real  inspiration  and  moral  authority.  The 
regular  procedure  is  by  memorials,  which  are  ad- 
dressed direct  to  the  Throne,  and,  as  has  been  stated, 
are  generally  sent  to  the  Boards  to  report  upon. 
This  may  cause  convenient  delay  in  giving  a de- 
cision, and  the  members  of  the  Great  Council  have 
also  their  final  say.  In  the  end  the  matter  may  be 
approved,  dismissed,  or  deferred  by  the  Emperor  on 
the  advice  of  the  Privy  Council.  The  system  is 
probably  as  effective  a way  of  sifting  a question  as 
a parliamentary  discussion  would  be,  especially  as 
the  Chinese  Government  has  its  own  way  of  making 
officials  personally  responsible  for  the  advice  they 
give.  The  operation  of  this  principle  of  personal 
responsibility  runs,  indeed,  through  the  whole  scheme 
of  Chinese  life,  and  is  important  to  be  kept  in  mind 
by  all  who  have  dealings  with  them,  whether  politi- 

1 69 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


cal  or  commercial.  An  official  who  criticises  the 
conduct  of  another  in  a matter  of  difficulty  is  often 
taken  at  his  word  and  sent  himself  to  carry  out  his 
own  alternative  plans.  In  this  way  some  of  the  re- 
sults of  party  government  are  attained  by  a different 
process. 

The  attempt  to  classify  the  Chinese  system  of  ad- 
ministration so  as  to  bring  it  within  the  group  of 
governmental  forms  with  which  the  Western  peoples 
are  familiar  is  apt  to  lead  to  erroneous  impressions, 
for  it  cannot  be  described  by  any  of  the  names  in 
common  use.  If  we  call  it  a despotism,  we  are  con- 
fronted with  facts  which  would  show  it  to  be  the 
most  democratic  polity  extant,  and  if  we  call  the 
Empire  a federation  of  independent  states,  we  are 
met  by  the  absolute  power  vested  in  the  Throne  to 
remove  the  provincial  governors  at  pleasure.  It  is 
best,  therefore,  to  leave  the  system  without  a name, 
except  that  it  is  Chinese;  for  the  “labels”  have  in 
times  past  sometimes  misled  Western  governments 
into  assuming  what  was  non-existent,  and  into  basing 
their  policy  on  the  fallacy. 

The  ultimate  unit,  the  germ-cell  as  we  may  call 
it,  of  the  Chinese  body,  is  the  family,  compact  and 
indivisible,  theoretically  living  on  the  soil  which  con- 
tains the  family  altar  and  the  family  tomb.*  It  is 
the  first  course  of  the  political  pyramid,  which  is  but 
little  affected  by  the  storms  that  may  blast  its  apex^ 
and  which  survives  the  wreck  of  dynasties  and  the 

* In  dealing  with  the  Chinese  this  all-important  fact  is  usually 
forgotten  by  Westerners,  with  whom  the  individual  is  the  unit. 

170 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


march  of  conquerors.  Groups  of  families  constitute 
villages,  which  are  self-governing,  and  the  official 
who  ventures  to  trench  on  their  immemorial  rights 
to  the  point  of  resistance  is,  according  to  an  ofificial 
code  not  confined  to  China,  disavowed  by  his  su- 
periors, and  generally  finds  a change  of  scene  im- 
perative. The  family  system,  with  its  extension  to 
village  and  town  groups,  the  respective  heads  of 
which  are  responsible,  in  an  ascending  series,  for  all 
the  individuals,  is  the  cheapest  form  of  government 
extant,*  for  it  dispenses  with  police,  while  disposing 
effectually  of  offenders  against  the  peace  or  re- 
spectability of  the  community. 

Where  the  aboriginal  gov^ernment,  which  has 
grown,  so  to  say,  out  of  the  soil,  meets  the  artificial 
rule  which  has  been  imposed  from  above,  the  line 


* So  cheap  that,  according  to  M.  Simon,  Chinese  taxation  amounts 
to  three  francs  per  head  of  the  population  ; and  so  good  that  crime 
is  comparatively  rare.  In  the  preservation  of  order  the  interested 
vigilance  of  the  people  themselves  goes  hand  in  hand  with  the  offi- 
cial organization  in  the  prevention  of  disturbances  or  crime.  And 
both  forces  receive  a vital  sanction  from  the  indissoluble  tie  which 
binds  every  individual  to  the  family,  even  in  exile.  As  has  been 
well  said  : “ The  man  who  knows  that  it  is  almost  impossible,  except 
by  entire  seclusion,  to  escape  from  the  company  of  secret  or  ac- 
knowledged emissaries  of  Government,  will  be  cautious  of  offending 
the  laws  of  his  country,  knowing,  as  he  must,  that  though  he  should 
himself  escape,  yet  his  family,  his  kindred,  or  his  neighbors  will 
suffer  for  his  offence  ; that  if  unable  to  recompense  the  sufferers  it 
will  probably  be  dangerous  for  him  to  return  home;  or  if  he  does, 
it  will  be  most  likely  to  find  his  property  in  the  possession  of  neigh- 
bors or  officials,  who  feel  conscious  of  security  in  plundering  one 
whose  offences  have  forever  placed  him  under  a ban.” — The  Fort- 
nightly Review,  1895,  p.  578. 

171 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


cannot,  perhaps,  be  drawn  with  absolute  precision, 
but  it  may  for  the  purposes  of  this  work  be  assumed 
that  the  official  hierarchy  begins  with  the  chi  hsien, 
who  rules  a district  {hsien)  about  as  large  as  an 
English  county.  He  is  usually  called  by  foreigners 
the  “ district  magistrate,”  but  this  title,  like  that  of 
an  Indian  “ collector,”  very  inadequately  represents 
his  multifarious  functions,  which  are  educational,  fis- 
cal, judicial,  and  all  that  belongs  to  an  executive; 
indeed,  as  the  last  link  in  the  long  official  chain 
which  connects  the  Imperial  throne  with  the  peas- 
ant’s hut,  there  is  nothing  that  concerns  the  life  of 
the  people  which  does  not  concern  this  very  hard- 
worked  officer.  As  the  family  is  the  unit  of  the 
Chinese  nation,  so  may  the  district  be  considered 
the  unit  of  the  administrative  system  of  the  Empire. 

A group  of  districts  forms  a department,  or  fu, 
which  is  governed  by  the  chi  fti,  or  prefect,  whose 
place  of  residence  takes  rank  as  a “fu”  city,  as 
Hangchau  Fu.  The  prefect  is  the  court  of  appeal 
from  the  magistrate. 

A group  of  departments  forms  a circuit,  at  the 
head  of  which  is  an  official  whose  title  is  very  famil- 
iar to  readers  of  newspapers — the  taoiai,  or  intendant 
of  circuit.  If  the  magistrate  be  the  important  offi- 
cial for  the  Chinese  people,  the  taotai  is  the  impor- 
tant one  for  foreigners,  for  he  is  the  pivot  on  which 
all  business  outside  the  territorial  administration 
turns.  Meadows  tells  us*  that  the  taotai  is  the  low- 

* Chinese  and  iheir  Rebellions.  iSjd. 


172 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


est  civilian  who  exercises  a direct  ex-officio  authority 
over  the  military.  Though  he  would  naturally  re-  ^ 
side  in  a departmental  or  “ fu  ” city,  the  exigencies  of 
business  often  require  him  to  select  one  of  district 
rank,  as,  for  instance,  Shanghai  or  Tientsin,  which 
are  both  mere  district  cities  brought  into  promi- 
nence by  the  course  of  foreign  business.  Indeed, 
Tientsin  is  not  only  the  official  residence  of  the  ter- 
ritorial and  other  taotais,  but  has  been  also  the  seat 
of  the  vice  - regal  court  of  the  province  of  Chihli 
ever  since  1870,  when  the  great  massacre  took 
place  there.  Its  peculiar  position  as  the  gate  of  the 
capital  also  renders  the  presence  in  Tientsin  of  an 
officer  of  the  highest  responsibility  a necessity  of 
State. 

The  next  grade  in  the  administrative  system  is 
the  province,  the  chief  executive  officer  of  which  is  the 
governor,  or  fu  tai.  The  number  of  the  provinces 
has  remained  for  such  a length  of  time  eighteen  that 
China  Proper  is  usually  known  to  the  inhabitants 
simply  as  “ The  Eighteen  Provinces.”  Each  prov- 
ince is  autonomous,  with  a difference.  It  is  as  inde- 
pendent as  an  army  corps,  possessing  the  complete 
machinery  of  government,  civil  and  military,  educa- 
tional and  fiscal,  judicial  and  penal.  The  province 
administers  its  own  revenue,  provides  for  its  own  de- 
fence, holds  its  own  competitive  examinations,  and 
performs  all  State  functions  without  any  interference 
from  the  Central  Government.  But  it  receives  its 
governors  and  officials  from  Peking,  and  it  has  to 
remit  tribute — or,  as  it  may  be  called,  its  quota  of  the 

173 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Imperial  revenue — to  the  capital.  This  done,  the 
province  is  freed  from  all  interference  from  above. 
The  whole  duty  of  a governor  may  be  summed  up 
in  two  articles : Keep  the  peace  and  pay  the  tribute. 
The  governor  is  absolute,  the  chain  of  responsibility 
in  the  ranks  below  him  being  complete.  The  pro- 
vincial officials  next  in  rank  below  the  governor  are 
the  finance  minister,  the  criminal  judge,  and  the  lit- 
erary chancellor.  The  governor,  however,  is  the  only 
one  who  in  his  sole  name  enjoys  the  privilege  of  me- 
morializing the  Throne,  and,  as  he  is  thus  in  a posi- 
tion to  report  on  all  his  subordinates,  thereby  wields 
absolute  authority  over  them.  We  thus  reach  the 
last  link  in  the  chain.  The  district  magistrate  con- 
nects the  official  hierarchy  with  the  people ; the  gov- 
ernor with  the  Throne.  There  remains,  however, 
another  high  provincial  officer,  who  is  not  essential 
to  the  system,  since  in  certain  cases  he  is  dispensed 
with,  and  that  is  the  tsung  tii  or  chih  tai,  or  gov- 
ernor-general, who  usually  superintends  the  affairs 
of  two  provinces,  each  having  its  own  governor,  and 
sometimes  only  one,  as  in  the  case  of  Chihli  and 
Szechuan,  while  some  provinces,  as  Shantung,  have 
no  governor-general.  This  high  authority  is  rather 
inaptly  called  “ viceroy  ” by  foreigners,  a word  which 
finds  no  equivalent  in  the  Chinese  title.  Those  best 
known  are : The  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  the  office  held 
for  twenty-four  years  by  Li  Hung  Chang;  the  Vice- 
roy of  Kiangnan  (Kiangsu,  Anhw'ei,  and  Kiangsi 
provinces),  whose  capital  is  Nanking;  the  Viceroy  of 
the  Hu  Kwang,  or  Liang  Hu  (Hunan  and  Hupei), 

H4 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


whose  residence  is  at  Wuchang,  on  the  Yangtsze; 
the  Viceroy  of  Min-Che  (abbreviation  for  provinces 
of  Fukien  and  Che  kiang),  who  resides  in  Fuchau; 
the  Viceroy  of  the  Liang  Kwang  (the  two  Kwangs, 
Kwangtung  and  Kwangsi),  whose  capital  is  Canton  ; 
of  Yun-Kwei  (Yunnan  and  Kweichau),  who  resides 
at  Yunnan  fu ; of  Shen-Kan  (Shensi  and  Kansu), 
who  resides  at  Sian  fu. 

Great  as  are  the  powers  of  governors  and  govern- 
ors-general,  that  of  life  and  death  is  not  one  of  them, 
except  in  certain  special  cases — such  as  piracy  or 
crimes  which  may  be  construed  into  seditiousness — 
where  drum-head  court-martial  would  apply  in  West- 
ern countries.  In  ordinary  cases  no  death-warrant 
can  be  signed  save  by  the  Emperor  himself.  As  is 
notorious,  the  Chinese  system  in  practice  does  not 
protect  the  accused  from  the  misery  of  protracted 
imprisonment. 

Two  important  characteristics  of  Chinese  official- 
dom need  to  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  by  for- 
eigners who  desire  to  have  a just  appreciation  of 
the  merits  and  demerits  of  the  man  and  of  the 
system.  The  first  is  that  the  aspirant  enters  the 
ranks  through  the  portal  of  competitive  literary 
examinations.  These  examinations  form,  perhaps, 
the  most  remarkable  feature  in  the  whole  fabric  of 
Chinese  polity ; they  are  so  ancient,  and  have  taken 
such  a complete  hold  of  the  ambitions  of  the  people. 
No  part  of  the  administration  is  so  minutely  organ- 
ized as  this.  The  prize  of  a literary  degree,  and 
then  a higher,  and  yet  a higher,  is  the  blue  ribbon 

V5 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


for  which  the  whole  nation  seems  to  be  contending — • 
at  once  an  lionorable  distinction  and  a passport  to 
official  appointment.  The  gaining  of  the  prize  is 
an  occasion  of  public  festivity  in  the  birthplace  of 
the  successful  candidate.  The  results  of  the  system 
are,  as  might  be  expected,  both  good  and  bad ; but 
at  any  rate  it  secures  that  every  Chinese  official 
shall  be  a scholar,  and  generally  an  expert  in  style 
and  penmanship.  Not  only  on  entering  the  service, 
but  in  his  subsequent  career,  the  power  of  the  pen 
serves  its  owner  as  well  as  the  power  of  the  tongue 
does  in  parliamentary  countries.  “Junius”  would 
have  risen  to  high  office  in  China.  One  of  the 
most  prominent  of  the  present  viceroys  is  such 
another  master  of  invective. 

The  second  characteristic  follows  naturally  from 
the  first,  and  marks  the  shade  in  the  picture. 
Scholarship  being  the  essential  qualification  for 
office,  no  other  is  sought  for,  nor  are  the  State 
functions  so  differentiated  as  that  a young  official 
can  gain  special  training  for  any  department  of 
duty  for  which  he  might  have  particular  aptitude. 
From  the  district  magistrate  upward,  one  man 
has  to  discharge  many  duties,  as  revenue  - officer, 
literary  examiner,  coroner,  sheriff,  prison  inspector, 
judge.  From  his  first  induction  into  public  service 
the  young  official  has  to  be  jack-of-all-trades,  and 
even  when  in  the  higher  grades  some  separation 
of  function  takes  place,  it  is  a mere  chance,  or,  at 
least,  it  depends  on  no  consideration  of  special 
fitness  for  the  duties,  whether  one  is  promoted  to 

176 


GOVERNMENT  AND  A D xM  I N I ST  R AT  I O N 


be  provincial  judge,  literary  chancellor,  or  provincial 
treasurer.  No  doubt  this  promiscuous  experience 
sharpens  the  general  intelligence,  and  it  is  perhaps, 
therefore,  not  so  much  a matter  of  surprise  as  it  is 
sometimes  thought  that  Chinese  officials  thrown 
into  novel  relations  with  foreigners  should  acquit 
themselves  so  well.  Of  course  the  principal  lesson 
of  their  lives  is  caution,  which  educates  their  in- 
stinct for  evasion  and  delay.  The  reality,  they 
think,  will  always  keep,  and  it  is  never  too  late 
for  compromise.  Hence  they  become  adepts  at 
plausible  representations,  which  are  so  ingenious 
as  to  puzzle,  and  sometimes  nonplus,  an  inex- 
perienced foreigner  who  attempts  to  follow  them 
through  their  mazes  of  argument.  But  they  are 
not  at  all  disconcerted  when  confronted  with  their 
own  false  premises.  Honor  is  not  stained  by  what 
is  euphemistically  termed  by  the  Chinese  “big-talk,” 
in  other  words  untruth.  From  the  point  of  view  of 
the  efficiency  of  the  Government  service,  however, 
it  is  obvious  that  the  jack-of-all-trades  system  must 
be  fatal  whenever  an  emergency  arises.  During  the 
Japanese  War  its  breakdown  was  conspicuous  in  the 
case  of  Li  Hung  Chang.  He  alone  had  to  conduct 
the  campaign  as  Minister  of  War  and  as  Command- 
er-in-Chief  of  both  Army  and  Navy,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  had  to  carry  on  his  territorial  duties 
as*Governor-General  of  a large  province,  his  special 
duties  as  Superintendent  of  Trade,  and  numerous 
other  functions.  And  all  this  without  any  organized 
staff!  Yet  the  Emperor  and  his  advisers  have  prob- 

M 177 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ably  to  this  day  no  real  insight  into  the  reasons  of 
their  military  collapse,  so  completely  are  they  wrapped 
up  in  their  traditional  practices,  in  military  tactics 
two  thousand  years  old,  and  in  the  bow-and-arrow 
exercises  of  the  Manchu  garrison  in  Peking. 

Taking  the  scheme  as  a whole,  and  as  applicable 
to  internal  affairs,  which  were  the  sole  concern  of 
the  Empire  until  fifty  years  ago,  the  Chinese  admin- 
istration was  very  well  thought  out.  The  Govern- 
ment neither  attempted  impossibilities  itself  nor  ex- 
pected miracles  of  its  distant  agents.  It  could  not 
follow  out  the  intricacies  of  every  local  question 
that  might  arise  in  so  vast  an  Empire,  so  it  cut 
every  such  consideration  short  by  simply  making 
the  provincial  authorities  responsible  for  success, 
which  amounted  to  little  more,  as  has  been  said, 
than  keeping  the  peace  and  paying  the  tribute.* 
The  “ barbarians  ” on  the  coast  were,  of  course,  a 
serious  element  of  disturbance,  and  a man  who  had 
a reputation  for  “soothing  and  bridling”  them  had 
a good  chance  of  receiving  an  appointment  at  a 
treaty  port.  The  essential  thing  always  was  to  pre- 
vent the  intruders  from  ever  being  heard  of  in  the 
capital. 

* “ Keeping  the  peace,”  however,  includes  the  absolute  obligation 
to  discover  and  bring  to  justice  an  offender,  an  obligation  which 
extends  in  an  unbroken  chain  through  all  official  grades  from  the 
lowest  to  the  highest,  who  are  successively  responsible,  like  the 
series  of  endorsers  of  a bill  of  exchange.  No  excuse  for  failure  is 
admissible,  and  it  is  on  this  principle  that  the  governor  of  a province 
is  punished  for  a crime  if  he  has  not  been  vigilant  enough  to  prevent 
it  or  energetic  enough  to  arrest  the  culprit. 

178 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


Many  precautions  were  devised  to  prevent  any 
kind  of  malfeasance  in  the  provinces,  such  precau- 
tions, indeed,  as  must  a priori  have  commended 
themselves  to  any  wise  ruler.  For  one  thing,  the 
term  of  office  in  one  post  was  limited  to  three  years. 
Further,  a mandarin  could  not  hold  office  in  the 
province  of  his  birth.  By  such  means  as  these  it 
was  sought  to  guard  against  local  interests  growing 
up  to  compete  with  Imperial  duty,  and  especially 
against  territorial  attachments  which  might  become 
the  bases  of  disloyalty  to  the  Throne.  Where  dis- 
tances were  so  great  and  communications  so  slow, 
such  checks  cannot  have  been  considered  to  be 
superfluous,  but  the  drawbacks  to  the  system  are 
obvious,  for  it  is  the  absence  of  local  and  territorial 
attachments  which  encourages  some  of  the  worst 
official  abuses.  Rapacity  makes  hay  while  the  sun 
shines  all  the  more  ruthlessly  when  there  is  no  tie 
of  sentiment  between  the  parties,  and  no  forebod- 
ings of  reprobation  in  old  age  or  retirement  in  the 
locality  where  the  family  of  the  official  is  domiciled. 
Neither  in  such  a short  term  of  office  is  an  official 
likely  to  interest  himself  in,  still  less  to  spend  his 
own  money  on,  local  improvements,  roads,  bridges, 
etc.,  in  a place  which  may  know  him  no  more  during 
his  whole  official  career.  Some  of  the  worst  features 
of  the  Indian  “Nabob”  system  are  thereby  perpet- 
uated. 

Checks  of  various  other  descriptions  have  been 
devised  for  keeping  the  mandarinate  in  the  path  of 
rectitude.  The  literary  examinations  and  the  grant- 

179 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ing  of  degrees  qualify  an  immense  number  of  can- 
didates for  whom  no  immediate  employment  can  be 
found,  and  besides  these  the  number  of  officials  tem- 
porarily out  of  office  is  always  very  large.  These 
together  form  an  army  of  expectants  who  congre- 
gate about  every  provincial  capital  on  the  chance 
of  something  turning  up.  They  are  at  the  disposal 
of  the  governor  to  fill  chance  vacancies  pro  tern.,  to 
execute  commissions,  or  to  spy  on  the  doings  of 
other  officials  and  make  reports.  It  is  in  the  ranks 
of  these  unemployed  scribes  that  are  found  the  chief 
literary  assailants  of  foreign  missionaries,  and  the 
fomenters  of  riots  based  on  gross  imputations  which 
they  circulate  by  placard  and  pamphlet. 

A more  organized  form  of  precautionary  meas- 
ures is  the  institution  of  what  is  generally  known 
as  the  Censorate,  a body  of  men,  fifty-six  in  num- 
ber, who  are  appointed  to  “ censure  ” in  the  various 
provinces  and  the  capital  itself  whatever  they  see 
amiss  in  the  conduct  of  any  official,  not  even  exempt- 
ing the  highest  personages,  and  to  watch  over  the 
welfare  of  the  people.  The  memorials  which  these 
censors  present  are  often  wonderfully  outspoken, 
and  sometimes  are  efficacious  for  good.  Occasion- 
ally, however,  a too  bold  arraignment  of  the  Impe- 
rial family  draws  down  a fierce  reprimand  on  the 
head  of  the  author,  and  lucky  for  him  if  he  escapes 
with  that. 

From  the  forms  in  use  and  the  evident  care  that 
has  been  taken  by  the  Imperial  legislators  to  secure 
pure  and  efficient  government,  one  would  be  justi- 

i8o 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


fied  in  concluding  on  theoretical  grounds  that  the 
Chinese  administration  was  a supremely  good  one; 
and  those  Western  scholars  who  are  engrossed  in 
the  study  of  Chinese  lore  have  usually  been  inclined 
to  that  view.  But  between  the  theory  and  the 
practice  in  politico-ethical  affairs  there  is  necessarily 
a great  difference,  which  is  strongly  accentuated  in 
China  by  the  enormous  extent  of  its  public  service 
and  the  extraordinary  length  of  time  during  which 
abuses  have  been  propagating  themselves.  Not 
only  are  exceptions  made  to  all  salutary  regulations 
— for  instance,  Li  Hung  Chang  held  one  ofhce  for 
over  twenty  years — but  evasions  have  become  so 
systematized  that,  as  in  the  giant  forests  of  the  Him- 
alaya one  is  puzzled  to  distinguish  between  the  par- 
asite and  the  tree  round  which  its  luxuriant  foliaoe 

O 

is  entwined,  so  in  the  Chinese  administration  the 
best  principles  are  lost  to  view  in  a rank  growth  of 
false  practice.  Evasions  have  become  legitimized 
by  universal  recognition.  Peremptory  orders  are 
issued  in  the  “ tremble  and  obey  ” style ; they  are 
received  with  the  profoundest  obeisance  ; but  they 
are  not  obeyed ; and  he  who  issued  them  forgets  or 
at  least  ignores  them,  and  there  is  an  end.  The 
war  operations  with  Japan  were  carried  on  in  this 
same  fashion.  Sham  is  the  all-pervading  element 
which  reduces  the  finest  precepts  to  nought,  and  as 
“ they  all  do  it,”  it  seems  to  be  considered  that  no 
one  need  feel  aggrieved.  Like  a debased  currency, 
it  is  as  fair  to  buyer  as  to  seller  so  long  as  it  is  cur- 
rent and  no  one  is  deceived. 

i8i 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


To  reach  the  heart  of  the  national  weakness,  how- 
ever, we  must  come  to  the  apex  of  the  pyramid,  the 
Central  Government  itself.  In  all  grades  of  the 
provincial  service  there  is,  in  spite  of  the  resources 
of  evasion,  a certain  sense  of  responsibility,  an  ap- 
prehension of  being  called  to  account,  the  Argus 
eye  of  a master  personated  by  an  army  of  spies,  a 
wholesome  influence  in  keeping  up  efficiency  and 
even — to  a certain  extent — purity.  But  in  Peking 
these  checks  fail  through  sheer  familiarity.  There, 
one  has  nothing  higher  to  defer  to,  nothing  unseen  to 
apprehend.  A dissolute  parent  may,  notwithstanding 
his  own  lapses,  exercise  a restraining  influence  on 
his  family;  but  quis  C2istodict  custodcs?  It  is  in  the 
action  of  the  Central  Government,  therefore,  that  we 
should  expect  to  find  the  greatest  inconsequence, 
the  greatest  vacillation,  where  gravitation  has  lost 
its  direction,  where  the  needle  has  no  pole  to  turn 
to.  Onlv  seclusion  could  hide  the  weakness  and 
rottenness  of  the  Capital  and  of  the  Palace.  The 
most  casual  visitor  is  met  by  proofs  that  the  Gov- 
ernment  of  the  City  is  far  behind  that  of  any  provin- 
cial town.  As  a town,  indeed,  it  is  laid  out  on  a 
magnificent  scale,  and  it  once  had  sewers  of  Titanic 
proportions.  But  the  streets  are  now  cesspools, 
worn  into  huge  hollows,  in  which  during  the  sum- 
mer rains  drowning  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  man 
and  beast.  Such  as  the  streets  are,  such  is  the  Gov- 
ernment. Its  heart  has  also  been  worn  away,  and 
become  a receptacle  for  waste  material. 

The  normal  machinery  of  government  consists  of 

182 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


six  Boards:  Revenue,  Rites,  Civil  Office,  Punish- 
ments, Works,  and  War.  There  are  over  these,  and 
between  them  and  the  Emperor,  two  Councils,  the 
Chiin  Chi,  Grand  Council  of  State,  which  is  really  a 
Privy  Council  of  the  Emperor,  in  whose  presence 
its  members  meet  for  the  despatch  of  business  daily 
between  four  and  six  o’clock  a.m.,  but,  like  the  Brit- 
ish Cabinet,  it  is  not  part  of  the  Constitution.  Of 
the  highest  rank  is  the  Nei  Ko,  or  Grand  Secre- 
tariat and  Imperial  Chancery.  This  is  the  Court  of 
Archives,  and  admission  to  its  superior  ranks  con- 
fers the  highest  distinction  attainable  by  Chinese 
officials.  There  are  six  Grand  Secretaries  (Chung 
T’ang),  three  being  Chinese  and  three  Manchu. 
Li  Hung  Chang  enjoys  that  distinction  among  his 
other  titles  of  rank.  More  influential  than  either  of 
these,  however,  especially  when  the  Monarch  hap- 
pens to  be  weak,  are  the  Ministers  of  the  Presence, 
a portion  really  of  the  Imperial  Household,  and  al- 
ways of  the  most  exalted  rank.  Nor,  when  per- 
sonal influence  over  the  Emperor  is  in  question,  is 
it  right  to  ignore  the  noble  order  of  eunuchs  which 
fills  the  crevices  of  Oriental  courts. 

As  has  been  well  said  by  Mayers,  the  scheme  of 
the  Central  Government  of  China  is  not  to  assume 
any  initiative,  but  to  control  the  action  of  the  pro- 
vincial administrators,  to  register  their  proceedings, 
to  remove  them,  and  degrade  or  promote  them  as 
occasion  may  require.  No  legislative  change  or 
progress  seems  to  be  contemplated  or  provided  for 
by  the  Constitution.  But  as  change  was  forced 

183 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


upon  China  from  without,  when  the  “barbarians” 
would  no  longer  rest  satisfied  with  intercourse  with 
subordinate  provincial  officials,  some  accommodation 
had  to  be  made  by  the  Imperial  authorities  in  order 
to  admit  of  diplomatic  relations  in  the  capital.  The 
first  step  in  this  direction  was  the  establishment  of 
what  is  now  familiar  as  the  Tsungli  Yamen  by  Im- 
perial decree  in  January,  i86i,  which  was  originally 
composed  of  three  Ministers  who  were  also  mem- 
bers of  other  Boards.  Its  numbers  were  increased 
from  time  to  time,  and  now  stand  at  eight — three 
Manchus  and  five  Chinese.  This  new  creation 
never  acquired  any  status  or  authority  until  the 
pressure  of  external  events  compelled  the  Em- 
peror’s Council  to  make  use  of  it,  and  to  recognize 
it  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Government.  It  was 
only  in  1890  that  it  first  figured  in  the  Red  Book, 
a complete  record  of  State  departments. 

Pressed  also  by  the  needs  of  the  time,  another 
Board  was  constituted  in  1890,  which  was  to  take 
the  control  of  the  navy  out  of  the  hands  of  Li  Hung 
Chang.  But  there  was  no  one  connected  with  it 
who  had  any  acquaintance  with  naval  affairs,  and 
when  the  Japan  War  broke  out  in  1894,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Board  of  Admiralty,  none  of  whom  knew 
a ship’s  stem  from  its  stern,  were  fain  to  relinquish 
the  control  and  let  it  revert  to  the  one  man  who 
was  deemed  competent  to  take  it.  There  was  a 
talk  of  abolishing  the  institution  after  the  war,  on 
the  not  unreasonable  ground  that  there  was  no 
navy  to  manage. 


184 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


Another  office  may  be  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  new  regime  of  foreign  relations;  it  is  that 
of  the  two  Superintendents  of  Trade,  one  for  the 
northern  and  one  for  the  southern  coast.  The 
former  has  been  held  since  1870  by  the  Viceroy  of 
Chihli,  whose  official  residence  is  at  Tientsin  ; the 
latter  by  the  Viceroy  of  the  Liang  Kiang,  at  Nan- 
king. The  first  holder  of  the  office  in  Tientsin  was 
not,  however,  the  Viceroy,  whose  court  was  located 
in  the  provincial  capital,  Paoting  fu,  a city  some  two 
hundred  miles  inland,  but  a Manchu  of  high  de- 
gree, named  Chunghow,  known  to  fame  in  connec- 
tion first  with  the  Tientsin  massacre  of  1870,  and 
next  with  the  Livadia  treaty,  which  was  repudiated 
in  Peking,  and  came  near  costing  the  Envoy  his 
head.  The  odium  incurred  by  Chunghow  in  con- 
nection with  the  massacre  was  scarcely  deserved. 
He  was  a genial  and  conciliatory  official.  As  Su- 
perintendent of  Customs  his  official  duties  lay 
much  in  the  sphere  of  foreign  affairs,  and  in  all  his 
relations  with  foreigners  he  made  himself  popular. 
But,  although  he  was  of  high  rank,  and  the  only 
official  of  high  standing  in  Tientsin,  his  authority 
was  “ not  territorial,  but  commercial.”  The  local 
officials,  local  organizations  and  forces,  such  as  they 
were,  owed  no  allegiance  to  Chunghow.  They  were 
under  the  Viceroy  Tseng  Kwo  Fan,  who  was  at 
Paoting,  and,  beyond  his  own  personal  attendants, 
the  Superintendent  of  Customs  could  not  dispose  of 
a corporal’s  guard.  In  the  nature  of  things,  his  re- 
lations with  the  Viceroy  were  delicate;  with  the 

185 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Viceroy’s  subordinates  still  more  so,  and  constant 
tact  had  to  be  exercised  to  avoid  friction  and  col- 
lision. The  imputation  against  Chunghow  was  that 
he,  the  highest  official  in  the  place,  permitted  the 
massacre,  or  at  least  made  no  effort,  so  far  as  was 
known,  to  prevent  it.  As  the  Chinese  populace 
knew  that  something  was  brewing,  it  was  universally 
believed  by  foreigners  that  Chunghow  could  not  be 
ignorant  of  it,  and  therefore  they  insisted  on  his 
being  held  responsible,  more  Sinico.  Whether  it 
would  have  been  possible  for  him  to  have  interfered 
with  the  subordinates  of  so  jjreat  a magnate  as 
Tseng  Kwo  Fan,  and  averted  the  mischief  they  were 
plotting,  is  very  doubtful ; but,  knowing  what  we 
do  of  Chinese  official  circumspection,  it  would  be 
unreasonable  to  expect  it.  Nor,  even  allowing  that 
he  could  not  but  be  aware  that  mischief  was  afoot, 
could  it  be  supposed  that  Chunghow  himself  imag- 
ined the  ghastly  tragedy  in  which  the  inflamed  pas- 
sion of  the  mob  actually  culminated.  It  was  not 
Chunghow,  but  the  Viceroy  Tseng  Kwo  Fan,  whom 
the  Imperial  Government  held  responsible  for  the 
massacre.  It  was  he  who  was  sent  down  to  in- 
vestigate and  punish,  after  a fashion.  Thereafter, 
the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Trade  was  conferred 
on  the  Viceroy  of  the  Province,  who  established  his 
residence,  during  the  business  portions  of  the  year, 
at  Tientsin ; indeed,  Li  Hung  Chang  often  allowed 
sev^eral  years  to  pass  without  visiting  his  provincial 
capital  at  all. 

The  two  Superintendents  of  Trade  are  the  natural 

i86 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


referees  in  matters  connected  with  foreign  commer- 
cial relations,  the  arbiters  of  all  proposals  involving 
innovations  in  the  economic  policy  of  the'  Govern- 
ment. They  check  and  support  each  other,  irre- 
sistible when  united,  but  naturally  paralyzing  when 
opposed.  Hence  the  aim  of  adventurers  has  been 
to  gain  the  suffrage  of  each  of  the  two  high  author- 
ities separately,  and  the  most  successful  schemer 
of  recent  years  is ’the  one  who  gained,  by  various 
means,  the  confidence  of  both,  and  was  thus  able  to 
combine  their  forces  in  his  own  support. 

An  interesting  circumstance  applying  to  the 
whole  administrative  system  is  that  the  officials  are 
intensely  laborious,  have  hardly  ever  a holiday  ex- 
cept in  case  of  serious  illness  or  the  time  prescribed 
for  mourning  the  death  of  a parent — which  is  also 
liable  to  be  abrogated  when  the  exigencies  of  the 
service  demand  it — and  there  is  no  superannuation. 
They  work,  like  a cab-horse,  till  they  drop.  Amuse- 
ments, also,  are  denied  them.  A Minister  seen  at  a 
theatre  would  be  promptly  denounced  by  a censor. 
This  severe  regime  is  necessarily  depressing  to  the 
whole  official  body.  Its  strictness,  of  course,  leads 
to  evasion,  and  the  Peking  Gazette  is  sometimes 
filled  with  the  tragi-comic  memorials  of  provincial 
mandarins,  who  enter  into  the  minutest  details  of 
their  pathological  condition  in  order  to  obtain  a 
brief  holiday  or  to  be  excused  from  obeying  the 
Imperial  summons  to  the  capital.  The  success  of 
such  appeals  probably  depends  more  on  judicious 
palmistry  than  on  the  actual  merits  of  the  case. 

187 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Were  it  possible  for  us  to  set  up  the  complete 
skeleton  of  Chinese  polit}^  of  which  we  have  pre- 
sented a very  meagre  sketch,  we  should  still  have 
gone  but  a short  way  towards  a real  apprehension 
of  either  its  methods  or  its  motives.  For  that,  the 
dry  bones  must  be  clothed  in  flesh  and  blood,  and 
we  should  need  to  know  somethin^  of  the  cerebral 

O 

functions  of  the  organism,  which  experience  alone 
can  teach,  and  even  that  slowly  and  imperfectly. 
The  closest  observer  will  constantly  be  obliged  to 
correct  one  observation  by  another,  and  the  longer 
he  lives  the  more  he  will  feel  the  necessity  of  revis- 
ing his  generalizations.  So  much  being  premised, 
a few  salient  features  of  Chinese  political  psychology 
may  be  not  unprofitably  studied.  The  machine  be- 
ing fitted  together,  the  dual  question  is:  What  sets 
it  in  motion,  and  what  is  it  set  to  accomplish.^  To 
this,  the  general  answer  must  of  course  be;  The 
same  impulse  that  sets  every  political  machine  in 
the  world  in  motion,  and  for  the  same  ends — indi- 
vidual ambition  tempered  by  public  spirit.  Out  of 
this  combination  the  best  and  the  worst  results  are 
obtained,  depending  on  the  proportions  in  which  the 
two  elements  are  blended.  In  the  Government  of 
China  we  need  not  hesitate  to  affirm  that  the  mixt- 
ure is  not  a favorable  one,  the  personal  being  un- 
duly preponderant  over  the  altruistic  factor.  That 
Government,  moreover,  exhibits  the  widest  discrep- 
ancy of  any  known  system  between  theory  and  prac- 
tice, the  purest  ideal  cloaking  the  grossest  aims;  a 
terrible  example,  in  fact,  of  corruptio  optimi pessima. 

i88 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


And  the  preternatural  exaltation  of  the  ideal  places 
it  so  far  beyond  the  reach  of  the  highest  attainment 
in  real  life  that  the  standard  of  public  duty,  lost  in 
the  clouds  of  inflated  verbiage,  is  wholly  disconnected 
from  practical  affairs.  It  would,  therefore,  be  cpiite 
in  vain  to  seek  the  key  to  the  politics  of  the  day  in 
Peking  in  any  theory  which  could  be  deduced  from 
official  utterances,  constitutional  formulas,  or  codes 
of  law.  The  remark  applies,  of  course,  to  every 
government  in  the  world,  but  the  difference  is  that, 
whereas  in  other  countries  there  is  still  some  rela- 
tion between  the  profession  and  the  procedure — as, 
for  instance,  when  the  minor  is  alleged  as  the  major 
reason — this  relation  has  practically  disappeared  in 
China,  and  the  substitution  of  the  false  for  the  true 
has  become  an  organized  system,  already  consecrated 
by  unwritten  law. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  reign  of  sham  in  the  gen- 
eral administration  ; but  it  has  its  roots  in  the  cen- 
tral Government.  It  may  be  laid  down  as  a general 
rule  obtaining  throughout  the  public  life  of  the  Em- 
pire that  things  are  never  what  they  seem.  Whether 
there  may  or  may  not  be  a real  patriotic  spirit  some- 
where in  China  among  officials  or  people,  there  has 
been  no  outward  evidence  of  it  in  the  inner  circles 
of  the  capital.  Instead  of  defending  the  Empire  and 
the  Dynasty,  the  natural  defenders  seem  ready  to 
sell  both,  and  it  is  a problem  how  far  even  the  Dy- 
nasty is  true  to  itself.  Each  individual  among  the 
Ministers  of  State  and  the  Princes  of  the  Empire 
seems  intent  on  “ saving  his  own  skin  ” by  making 

189 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


friends  of  the  strongest  invader.  For  many  years 
past  the  politics  of  Peking  have  been  swayed  by  a 
bitter  Palace  feud,  the  young  Emperor  and  his  party 
on  one  side,  and  the  Empress-Dowager  on  the  other. 
Of  a passionate  nature  and  imperious  will,  inspired 
by  purely  selfish  considerations,  the  late  Regent  con- 
tinues to  dominate  and  even  to  terrorize  the  Em- 
peror, who  is  of  feeble  physique  and  incapable  of 
wielding  the  authority  which  belongs  to  him.  Into 
this  quarrel  the  courtier  Li  Hung  Chang  has  been 
thrust  as  go-between  and  factotum  for  the  Empress. 
His  position  nearly  cost  him  his  head  on  his  return 
from  concluding  the  humiliating  treaty  with  Japan 
in  1895,  foi'  Emperor’s  adherents  endeavored  to 
compass  his  death,  first  by  assassination,  and  ne.xt 
by  quasi-judicial  process,  on  the  ground  of  treachery. 
These  designs  were  frustrated  by  the  countermin- 
ing of  the  Empress,  who  struck  sudden  terror  into 
the  opposite  party,  and  then,  to  get  her  protege  out 
of  harm’s  way  for  a while,  manoeuvred  him  into  the 
post  of  Special  Envoy  to  Moscow  in  1896.  Quelled 
for  the  time,  however,  the  conspirators  wait  an  op- 
portunity to  revenge  their  defeat.  Li  Hung  Chang’s 
fate  hangs  on  the  protection  of  her  whom  he  has 
served  so  long  and  so  faithfully.  She  is  aging  and 
exposed  to  accidents.  Naturally,  an  old  campaigner 
like  Li  looks  out  for  a second  line  of  defence,  and 
that  is  Russia.  Is  it  not  obvious,  then,  that  we  have 
here  a shorter  road  to  the  key  of  recent  important 
transactions  than  by  attempting  to  balance  ordinary 
reasons  of  State,  military  and  political,  in  order  to 

190 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


discover  how  a government  could  voluntarily  sur- 
render its  territory  and  itself  to  an  invader  without 
an  attempt  at  resistance  ? Where  matters  have 
come  to  such  a pass  as  that,  we  may  almost  as  well 
discuss  the  machinery  of  the  government  of  Baby- 
lon as  that  of  Peking,  so  far  as  the  practical  inter- 
ests of  the  day  are  concerned.  China  is  like  a pear, 
most  rotten  at  the  core. 

The  woman  factor  is  a potent  one  in  Chinese 
government,  but  never  in  a worthy  sense.  Historic 
courtesans  become  empresses  make  profitable  sub- 
jects for  literary  portraiture  and  description,  but 
they  have  usually  marked  the  debacle  of  a dynasty; 
and  in  meaner  capacities  women  have  played  their 
part  in  the  intrigues  of  court  and  camp.  How  much 
the  present  collapse  of  China  may  be  due  to  the 
personal  qualities  of  the  real  but  illegitimate  ruler, 
the  Empress-Dowager,  may  not  be  known,  but  there 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  every  surrender  made  to 
foreigners  since  she  held  the  reins  was  dictated  by 
her  and  her  personal  convenience.  Remembering 
her  experience  when,  as  the  secondary  consort  of  the 
Emperor  Hienfung,  she  followed  him  in  his  flight 
to  Jehol,she  resolved  rather  to  yield  everything  than 
risk  such  an  experience  again.  A threat  of  the  in- 
vasion of  Peking — if  believed  in — has  always  been 
sufficient  to  bring  her  to  terms.  When  the  present 
Emperor  was  prepared  to  abandon  the  capital  during 
the  Japanese  War  and  resist  to  the  bitter  end,  it  was 
that  imperious  lady  who  insisted  on  peace  at  any 
price ; and  it  is  chiefly  on  her  sensitive  feelings 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


that  Russian  threats  take  effect,  and  deprive  the 
Sovereign  of  the  will  and  the  power  to  resist  their 
demands. 

Official  and  political  corruption  occupies  such  a 
prominent  place  in  most  treatises  on  matters  Chi- 
nese, that  it  is  commonly  regarded  as  something 
peculiar  to  that  nation.  The  peculiarity,  however, 
lies  rather  in  the  extent  and  the  organization  than 
in  the  nature,  or  even  the  form,  of  the  Chinese  sys- 
tem of  peculation.  In  substance  it  is  the  same 
which  prevails  in  the  Western  hemisphere,  where  it 
is  called  perquisites.  That  this  destructive  parasite 
should  have  attained  a higher  development  in  China 
• than  elsewhere  may  very  well  be  accounted  for  by 
the  circumstances  under  which  that  country  itself 
has  developed.  The  extent  of  territory  and  relative 
difficulty  of  control,  multiplied  by  the  number  of 
centuries  during  which  customs,  good  and  bad,  have 
been  growing,  would  yield  a product  adequate  to 
account  for  both  the  magnitude  and  the  methodiza- 
tion  of  Chinese  embezzlement. 

Though  universally  condoned,  the  system  is,  of 
course,  illegal,  and,  just  as  certain  forms  of  mal- 
practice which  are  winked  at  in  Western  countries 
come,  occasionally,  into  awkward  collision  with  the 
judges,  so  officials  who  have  enriched  themselves  in 
China  continue  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  blackmailers. 
The  liability  to  denunciation  and  ruin  which  thus 
hangs  over  them  goes  a long  way  towards  account- 
ing for  the  universal  timidity  of  Chinese  statesmen. 
Yet  the  individual  is  as  much  to  be  pitied  as  blamed, 


192 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


for  against  the  system  which  has  come  down  from 
venerable  antiquity  it  would  be  as  hard  to  struggle 
as  against  one’s  personal  heredity.  Fair  considera- 
tion should  be  extended  to  the  rank  and  file  impli- 
cated in  a debasing  system  which  it  requires  real 
heroism  to  resist;  for  here,  as  in  the  midst  of  a 
slave-owning  society,  or  in  the  bondage  of  vice, 
there  are  those  who  would  welcome  a way  of  escape 
from  the  necessity  of  their  lives,  as  well  as  those 
who  revel  in  the  full  current  of  it. 

The  root  of  the  matter,  no  doubt,  lies  in  the  fact 
that  Chinese  officials  are  virtually  unpaid,  their 
merely  nominal  salaries  being  insufficient  for  their 
necessary  expenses.  Hence  the  official  naturally 
obtains  as  much  gratuitous  service  as  possible,  un- 
der the  tacit  understanding  that  his  dependants  are 
to  take  care  of  themselves,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
he  must  cast  about  for  the  wherewithal  to  maintain 
his  family  and  position.  From  this  simple  begin- 
ning the  whole  complex  system  of  what  we  call 
peculation  may  be  traced.*  The  younger  officials 
begin  life,  as  a rule,  in  debt : they  have  frequently 
had  to  pay  for  their  appointments,  borrowing  for  the 
purpose  at  usurious  interest,  and  they  have  to  go  on 
paying  their  official  superiors  on  pain  of  being  re- 
ported on.  The  highest  personages  in  the  Empire 
receive  large  gratuities  from  officials  gazetted  to  the 
provinces,  and  become  rich  from  that  source.  And 

* Meadows  assumes  the  highest  mandarins  to  get  by  means  of 
“ squeeze  ” about  ten  times,  the  lowest  about  fifty  times,  the  amount 
of  their  legal  incomes. 


N 


193 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


when  a term  of  lucrativ^e  service  is  over,  and  the 
governor  or  prefect  is  graciously  summoned  to  Court 
— an  honor  which  he  strives  to  escape,  as  a rule — it 
is  in  order  that  the  sponge  which  has  been  absorb- 
ing in  the  provinces  may  be  squeezed  in  the  capital. 
The  cow  has  been  turned  into  the  green  corn,  de- 
stroying more  than  she  has  eaten : she  must  come 
home  to  be  milked.  One  highly  lucrative  post — 
that  of  Hoppo,  or  Collector  of  Native  Customs  at 
Canton — is  specially  reserved  for  some  worthy  con- 
nection of  the  Imperial  family,  who  is  expected  to 
amass  so  much  in  three  years  as  to  be  able  to  deal 
handsomely  by  his  kinsfolk  on  his  return  to  the 
capital.  At  every  seaport  there  is  a collector  of 
Customs,  whose  emolument  is  assessed  with  consid- 
erable accuracy  by  public  opinion,  ranging  from 
100,000  to  500,000  taels  per  annum  at  some  of  the 
more  important  secondary  ports.  An  official  incurs 
no  odium  and  loses  no  good  name  unless  his  exac- 
tions are  excessive  or  lead  to  public  scandal.  In 
the  rare  case  of  a veteran  being  made  to  publicly 
disgorge,  it  is  only  the  computed  excess  that  is  dealt 
with.  But,  obviously,  when  such  a matter  is  left  to 
the  conscience  of  the  interested  party,  with  no  fear 
of  an  audit,  unless  he,  from  overweening  confidence 
in  his  influence,  is  niggardly  towards  the  censors, 
the  door  is  thrown  wide  open  to  the  most  extrava- 
gant abuses.  As  no  official  is  expected  to  render  a 
true  account,  and  there  is  no  machinery  for  check- 
ing him  that  would  not  itself  need,  in  turn,  to  be 
checked,  the  sovereign  of  an  oriental  country — for 

194 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


China  is  no  exception — would  get  no  revenue  at  all 
under  a fiduciary  system.  To  meet  this  case,  the 
revenue  collection  is  simplified  by  fixed  levies  — 
taxes  are  farmed,  monopolies  are  granted,  and  thus 
the  most  powerful  stimulus  is  supplied  to  the  con- 
cessionnaires  to  raise  as  large  a surplus  as  possible 
for  themselves.  The  provinces  are  assessed  in  a 
similar  manner  for  their  quota  of  the  Imperial  reve- 
nue.* The  whole  arrangement  is,  of  course,  clumsy 
and  wasteful  in  the  highest  degree.  It  is  beyond 
our  purpose  to  follow  its  ramifications,  and  show  in 
detail  how  extremely  injurious  it  is  to  the  national 
interests  and  how  demoralizing  to  the  civil  service 
itself.  A single  illustration  will  show  how  the  sys- 
tem operates  on  public  affairs.  Foreigners  who 
serve  the  Chinese  and  have  to  get  money  for  public 
purposes  are  sometimes  surprised  at  the  seeming 
contradictions  in  the  official  temper.  They  will,  for 
example,  plead  in  vain  for  small  outlays  for  repairs 
or  up-keep  of  buildings,  while  the  demand  for  a 


* “.  . . Each  district  has  a fixed  quota,  which  the  magistrate  must 
produce  by  hook  or  by  crook,  but  beyond  the  minimum  all  the  rest 
is  practically  his  own,  not  to  keep,  exactly,  because  if  he  holds  a 
lucrath'e  appointment  he  is  expected  to  be  extra  liberal  in  his  pres- 
ents to  the  Governor,  to  the  Literary  Chancellor,  to  the  Provincial 
Judge,  the  Treasurer,  and  so  on,  not  to  mention  still  higher  digni- 
taries, if  he  wishes  to  get  on.  But  there  is  no  magistracy  that  does 
not  at  least  make  up  its  limits  of  taxation  and  leave  something 
over,  while  the  greater  number  leave  a handsome  surplus.  To 
hand  this  over  to  the  Imperial  Exchequer  is  about  the  last  thing 
that  any  one  would  think  of  doing.  It  is  the  fund  out  of  which 
mainly  the  fortunes  of  viceroys  and  commissioners  have  been  built 
up.” — Jamieson.  Foreign  Office  Reports,  1897. 

195 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


large  sum  to  erect  new  ones  is  granted  readily. 
The  reason  is  that  no  one  is  interested  in  the  small 
expenditure,  while  the  large  one  affords  an  oppor- 
tunity of  intercepting  a worthy  percentage.  The 
lower  official  recommends  the  outlay,  his  superior 
sanctions  it — and  they  share  the  profit  or  commis- 
sion. The  practice  is,  of  course,  ruinous  in  military 
matters,  for  it  starv'es  the  service,  while  lavishing 
large  sums  on  heavy  guns  and  ships.  Thus  the 
Chinese  had  at  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan,  during 
the  Japanese  War,  the  heaviest  fortress  guns,  enor- 
mously costly,  the  contracts  for  which  made  the 
fortunes  of  certain  officials,  but  the  men  trained  to 
use  the  guns  were  entirely  neglected.  The  rule  is 
that  the  Chinese  officials  will  promote  that  enter- 
prise which  will  afford  them  the  largest  and 

the  possibilities  of  material  progress  in  China  de- 
pend chiefly  on  the  operation  of  that  principle. 
Estimates  are  sometimes  made  of  the  loss  of  public 
revenue  from  wasteful  modes  of  collection,  a small 
percentage  only  of  what  is  taken  from  the  people 
being  returned  to  the  treasury.  Yet  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  pecuniary  loss  is  more  ruinous  to  the 
country  than  the  destruction  in  the  governing  class 
of  public  spirit,  which  is  the  necessary  consequence 
of  the  wealth  of  the  country  being  made  the  subject 
of  a scramble  in  which  every  official  of  the  Empire, 
up  to  Princes  of  the  Blood,  are  perpetually  engaged. 
We  know,  by  our  own  Western  experience,  how  de- 
moralizing is  a scramble,  no  matter  what  the  object 
of  it  may  be. 

196 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION 


The  two  deductions  to  be  made  from  these  prem- 
ises are  (i)  the  vital  need  of  thorough  reform  in  the 
fiscal  system  of  China,  and  (2)  the  almost  insuper- 
able difficulty  of  effecting  it.  From  these  considera- 
tions the  importance  of  the  Foreign  Inspectorate  of 
Customs  will  be  understood.  By  this  organization 
one  department,  at  any  rate,  of  the  Imperial  revenue 
has  been  reduced  to  order.  On  the  one  side  smug- 
gling has  diminished,  thus  saving  much  friction  and 
loss  of  time  to  traders  and  officials  at  the  treaty  ports; 
and,  on  the  other,  all  the  collections  are  accounted 
for  to  the  Government.  The  only  part  of  the  tradi- 
tional Chinese  system  that  has  been  perpetuated  in 
the  service  is  the  quasi-farming  of  the  ex’penditure, 
which  affords  the  Inspector- General  a convenient 
margin  for  purposes  of  emergency,  political  or  other- 
wise. But  even  this  slight  concession  to  Chinese 

o 

methods  keeps  the  door  open  to  abuses,  and,  in  less 
scrupulous  hands,  might  easily  be  worked  so  as  to 
reproduce  some  of  the  very  evils  which  the  Customs 
administration  is  intended  to  abolish.  The  Foreiafn 

o 

Inspectorate,  as  it  stands,  and  as  it  has  been  devel- 
oped during  forty-four  years,  is  the  great  object- 
lesson  for  Chinese  reformers,  the  working  model 
for  the  gradual  transformation  of  chaos  into  order 
throughout  the  whole  field  of  revenue  and  e.xpendi- 
ture.  As  yet  the  system  has  only  been  applied  to 
the  trade  carried  in  foreign  bottoms  generally,  and 
in  Chinese  steamers.  The  whole  coasting  trade  in 
native  craft  propelled  by  sails  remains  within  the 
province  of  the  native  Customs,  the  chiefs  of  which 


197 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


continue  to  amass  fortunes  at  the  treaty  ports,  along- 
side the  foreign  inspectorates  which  pay  salaries  and 
render  precise  accounts  of  their  collections.  The 
Foreign  Customs  have  supplied  the  means  of  secur- 
ing the  foreign  indebtedness  of  China,  and,  its  rev- 
enues having  now  been  completely  hypothecated  to 
foreign  creditors,  the  pressure  of  necessity  has  open- 
ed the  way  to  an  extension  of  the  inspectorate  to 
other  departments  of  the  Chinese  revenue  system, 
and  the  hope  of  the  future  of  the  Empire  rests  large- 
ly on  the  leavening  of  the  lump  by  this  foreign  fer- 
ment. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 

Although  a Minister  Plenipotentiary  was  ap- 
pointed by  Great  Britain  after  the  signature  of  the 
Treaty  of  Nanking  in  1842,  the  office  was  merged  in 
that  of  Governor  of  Hongkong,  and  the  diplomatic 
function  remained  practically  dormant  until  after  the 
Convention  of  Peking  in  i860,  following  the  Treaty 
of  Tientsin  in  1858.  In  fact,  the  war  of  1856-60 
might  be  said  to  have  been  undertaken  for  the  pur- 
pose of  establishing  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Central  Government.  Up  to  that  time  there  had 
been  no  intercourse  except  at  the  five  ports  open- 
ed to  trade  by  the  Treaty  of  Nanking.  At  four 
of  these  ports,  where  the  influence  of  one  or  two 
strong  men  in  the  newly  established  Consular  Ser- 
vice had  been  stamped  on  the  new  relations  between 
the  Chinese  and  British  authorities,  and  where  a 
natural  development  of  commerce  had  taken  place, 
everything  was  peaceable  and  prosperous.  But  at 
the  principal  port.  Canton,  where,  most  of  all,  firm- 
ness and  consistency  were  needed,  these  qualities 
were  unfortunately  lacking,  and  the  result  was  that 
an  intolerable  state  of  things  was  allowed  to  grow  up. 
Taking  full  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  British 

199 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


attitude,  the  Chinese  authorities  became  more  and 
more  insolent  and  aggressive,  until  at  length,  in  1856, 
the  cup  of  their  iniquity  overflowed,  and  reprisals 
had  to  be  undertaken.  The  right  to  enter  the  city, 
which  is  the  seat  of  a Governor  and  Governor-Gen- 
eral, had  been  waived  for  a term  of  seven  years,  in 
deference  to  what  was  represented  as  the  uncontrol- 
lable turbulence  of  the  people.  At  the  end  of  that 
period  the  reasons  for  still  further  postponing  the 
privilege  had,  of  course,  grown  stronger,  and  entry 
into  the  city  and  intercourse  with  the  authorities 
were  still  denied  to  the  representatives  of  Great 
Britain.  Serious  troubles  had  ensued  consequent 
on  this  anomalous  situation.  There  had  been  assas- 
sinations of  Englishmen  for  which  no  redress  was 
obtained,  insults  of  every  kind  accumulated,  and  the 
more  submissive  the  foreigners  showed  themselves 
the  more  were  they  treated  as  savages  and  slaves. 
The  whole  mercantile  community  were  kept  in  what 
was  virtually  a prison,  their  peregrinations  being  con- 
fined within  the  area  of  what  was  somewhat  euphem- 
istically called  a “ garden.”  It  was  only  a question 
of  time  as  to  when  this  unbearable  tyranny  must 
lead  to  a catastrophe.  The  spark  that  ignited  the 
gunpowder  was  the  seizure  of  the  crew  of  a “lorcha” 
or  schooner  belonging  to  Hongkong  and  flying  the 
British  ensign. 

The  consul  for  Canton,  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir 
Harry)  Parkes,  happened  to  be  a man  possessed  of 
two  great  qualities — clear  insight  and  iron  resolu- 
tion. He  demanded  prompt  redress,  and  received 


200 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


insolent  replies.  The  Chinese  authorities  did  not 
comprehend  the  change  that  was  involved  in  the 
succession  of  a strong  man,  and  were  for  “continu- 
ing the  treatment,”  as  the  doctors  say  in  chronic 
cases.  When  the  matter  was  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  British  Admiral,  he  limited  himself  to  a single 
demand — i.c.,  the  treaty  right  of  entering  the  city  and 
of  conferring  with  the  authorities.  This  being  re- 
fused with  scorn.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  made  his 
own  way  to  the  yamen  of  the  Viceroy  Yeh,  but  did 
not  find  his  Excellency  at  home.  Thus  began  the 
“war ’’-like  operations  which  dragged  on,  with  inter- 
vals of  false  peace,  until  they  culminated  in  the  oc- 
cupation of  the  Chinese  capital.  The  primary  ob- 
ject throughout,  or,  to  use  the  military  phrase,  the 
objective,  of  the  hostilities,  which  extended  over  a 
space  of  four  years  (from  October,  1856,  till  October, 
i860),  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than  to  obtain  by 
direct  intercourse  with  the  Peking  Court  a remedy 
for  the  grievances  which  British  subjects  and  officials 
had  so  long  and  so  patiently — pusillanimously  would 
not  be  too  strong  a word — endured  in  the  provincial 
capital.  Canton.  Further  extension  of  trade  as  an 
ulterior  object  was,  of  course,  never  lost  sight  of  by 
the  British  statesmen  of  that  time. 

The  future  of  British  interests  in  China  being 
thus  closely  bound  up  in  this  sovereign  remedy,  the 
inauguration  of  diplomatic  relations  acquired  a char- 
acter of  crucial  importance.  It  was  by  no  means  a 
thing  “ to  be  taken  in  hand  unadvisedly,  lightly,  or 
wantonly.”  It  was  an  incursion  into  an  unsurveyed 


201 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


territory,  where  the  greatest  circumspection  was 
called  for.  The  success  of  the  new  experiment  de- 
pended on  the  skill  with  which  it  was  carried  out, 
and  more  especially  on  the  first  step,  which  would 
give  tone  and  direction  to  the  whole  course  of  fut- 
ure international  relations.  The  conditions  under 
which  intercourse  was  to  be  conducted  were  of 
course  unknown — had,  in  fact,  to  be  evolved  by 
actual  experience.  The  Chinese  Court  was  called 
upon  to  break  with  all  its  traditions,  and  to  discover 
a platform  on  which  it  could  treat  foreign  nations 
on  terms  of  equality.  This  was  no  light  matter ; it 
was  a revolution  in  the  most  conservative  body  in 
the  known  world.  The  importance  of  the  demand 
was  felt  equally  by  both  negotiants.  To  the  British 
envoy  access  to  the  Imperial  Court  was  the  sine  qua 
11071  of  his  mission.  To  the  Chinese  it  was  the  last 
ditch,  the  point  on  which  they  could  make  no  sur- 
render. Both  sides  understood  this ; and  when  the 
Chinese  gave  way  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  British 
envoy  and  the  naval  squadron  supporting  him  at 
Tientsin,  it  was  only  to  draw  him  into  an  ambush. 
The  Treaty  of  Tientsin  was,  from  the  Chinese  point 
of  view,  simply  a device  to  gain  time  in  order  to  bar 
the  way  of  access  against  the  Minister  whom  they 
had  covenanted  to  receive.  The  temporary  success 
of  this  expedient  was  signalized  in  the  British  re- 
pulse before  the  Taku  forts  in  1859.  The  resist- 
ance to  the  advent  of  a British  representative  was 
finally  overcome,  so  far  as  mere  force  could  over- 
come it,  by  the  Anglo-French  campaign  of  i860. 


202 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Peking,  causing 
the  flight,  followed  soon  after  by  the  death,  of  the 
Emperor  Hienfung. 

Although,  therefore,  nothing  was  known  of  the 
machinery  or  the  forms  under  which  the  new  diplo- 
matic intercourse  was  to  proceed,  there  was  no  room 
for  doubt  as  to  the  spirit  in  which  the  foreign  Min- 
isters would  be  received.  As  they  could  not  be  ex- 
cluded by  material  force,  tliey  would  be  neutralized 
as  far  as  possible  by  moral  expedients.  The  series 
of  deceptions  which  the  Chinese — not  without  justi- 
fication, being  the  weaker  party — had  practised  on 
the  intruders  during  successive  negotiations,  afforded 
ample  proof  that  the  high  officers  of  the  Court  dif- 
fered in  no  way  from  the  high  officers  in  the  prov- 
inces, of  whose  manners  and  customs  British  officials 
had  had  ample  experience.  The  lesson  which  twenty 
years  had  taught  was  that  the  Chinese  were  friendly 
and  reasonable  under  a firm  hand,  but  insolent  and 
asfsfressive  when  met  with  deference  and  weakness. 

OO 

It  was  no  new  lesson,  but  simply  the  teaching  of  all 
human  experience  since  history  began. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  there  would  be 
no  repetition,  on  the  new  stage  of  Peking,  of  the 
mistaken  policy  which  had  been  followed  for  so 
many  years,  with  such  unhappy  results,  at  Canton: 
that  the  Ministers  who  filled  the  new  posts  would 
never  forego  the  advantage  which  they  had  derived 
from  following  in  the  suite  of  an  irresistible  military 
force.  The  plain  fact  is,  however,  that  they  actually 
did  these  very  things,  and  in  establishing  themselves 

203 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


in  the  Chinese  capital  they  ignored  not  only  the 
results  of  all  the  experience  gained  at  Canton  and 
the  other  open  ports,  and  of  their  own  personal  ex- 
perience in  the  negotiations  at  which  they  had  as- 
sisted, but  also  that  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  human 
action  which  every  man  of  the  world  possesses. 
They  assumed,  and  acted  as  if  they  believed,  that  a 
miracle  had  suddenly  reversed  the  Chinese  char- 
acter, turning  negative  to  positive,  and  positive  to 
negative;  and  to  this  initial  error  may  be  traced 
thirty-eight  years  of  a policy  of  hallucination,  which 
has  been  one  of  the  efficient  factors  in  brinsrintr  the 

O O 

Chinese  Empire  to  disruption  and  British  interests 
there  to  imminent  peril.  It  is  not  always  easy  to 
isolate  the  acts  of  British  diplomacy  from  that  of 
the  other  Powers;  but  it  is  fair  to  hold  British  pol- 
icy responsible,  because  Great  Britain  possessed  and 
maintained  the  lead  until  a few  years  ago.  Beyond 
all  doubt,  the  false  move  made,  the  false  direction 
taken  at  the  beginning,  was  chiefly  due  to  the  Brit- 
ish line  of  action  at  Peking.  Whether  it  was  a 
kind  of  remorse  for  the  act  of  vandalism  committed 
in  the  destruction  of  the  Chinese  art  treasures  in 
the  Summer  Palace,  or  a peculiar  and  misdirected 
sentiment  on  the  part  of  individuals,  the  attitude  of 
the  British  Minister  in  Peking;  was  more  that  of  the 
representative  of  a defeated  Power  than  of  a victo- 
rious one.  For  a long  time  Peking  was  treated  by 
him  as  a sacred  place  wliich  would  be  profaned  by 
the  intrusion  of  travellers  or  visitors,  and  severe 
regulations  were  promulgated  for  the  restraint,  un- 


204 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


der  penalty,  of  inquisitive  British  subjects.  The 
motive,  of  course,  was  unimpeachable,  but  the  idea 
of  obliterating  the  memory  * of  the  burning  and 
pillage  of  the  Summer  Palace,  the  whole  justifica- 
tion and  utility  of  which  depended  on  the  memory 
of  it  being  kept  fresh,  by  punishing  an  inoffensive 
tourist  for  looking  at  the  ruins,  was  not  very  practi- 
cal. Nor  were  the  obsequious  efforts  to  conciliate 
the  Chinese,  of  which  this  was  but  a type,  calculated 
to  haye  any  other  effect  than  to  inflate  them  with 
an  already  too  confident  conceit,  and  to  render  all 
rational  business  with  them  impracticable.  This  is 
the  result  which  was  naturally  to  be  expected,  and 
it  is  precisely  what  hapj^ened,  the  circle  of  evil  con- 
sequences having  gone  on  widening  during  all  the 
SLibsecjuent  years.  The  metropolitan  ministers  have 
never,  indeed,  resorted  to  the  offensive  language  to 
which  the  provincials  had  become  addicted,  for  the 
Manchu  is  by  nature  a gentleman,  but  the  evasive- 
ness of  the  P"oreign  Board  has,  if  possible,  exceeded 
that  of  the  provincial  yamens,  while  their  superior 


* “The  opinion  that  during  the  last  Anglo-French  war  with  China 
the  Europeans,  and  not  the  Chinese,  were  the  vanquished,  is  uni- 
versal throughout  the  whole  of  Inner  Asia,  wherever  we  travelled. 
Certainly  to  the  Asiatic  mind  an  enemy  who  appears  beneath  the 
walls  of  a hostile  city  and  does  not  destroy  it,  is  no  victor,  but  rather 
the  conquered  party.  The  Chinese  Government  took  advantage  of 
this  circumstance  to  spread  the  report  among  their  faithful  subjects 
of  their  victory  over  the  Europeans.  Yet  they  can  scarcely  have 
suppressed  the  knowledge  of  the  destruction  of  the  Emperor’s 
Summer  Palace,  and  that  just  act  of  the  English  chiefs  which  raised 
so  unreasonable  a clamor  finds  in  the  circumstances  here  stated  a 
new  justification.” — Prjeval.ski. 


205 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


manner  of  imitating  a non  possumus  has  been  no 
less  exasperating.  The  urbanity  of  the  Peking 
Yamen,  indeed,  has  been  carried  to  almost  comical 
excess  at  times,  as  when  sitting  placidly  and  listen- 
ing to  the  objurgations  of  a foreign  Minister  driven 
to  despair  by  their  impassiveness,  they  would  help 
him  out  with  the  opprobrious  expressions  which 
came  with  difficulty  to  his  tongue.  It  is  not  de- 
sirable to  concentrate  on  any  one  name  the  blame 
which  should  be  shared  by  many;  but  as  the  first 
accredited  Minister  to  China  after  the  war  of  1856- 
60  was  one  whose  prestige  was  quite  exceptional,  he 
had  a free  hand  to  shape  his  course  in  Peking  with- 
out the  guidance  of  the  Home  Government.  It  is 
Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  therefore,  who  is  mainly  re- 
sponsible for  the  truckling  policy,  and  he  was  him- 
self the  first  to  feel  and  deplore  its  disastrous  results. 
No  doubt  a Minister  placed  as  he  was,  and  as  any 
Minister  to  China  is  to-day,  is  laigely  dependent  on 
his  secretaries  and  sinologues,  just  as  the  Home 
Government  is  dependent  on  him ; but  if  he  is  to 
elude  responsibility  by  sheltering  himself  behind  a 
subordinate,  it  were  better  to  make  the  secretary 
Minister,  so  that  the  public  might  have  the  satis- 
faction of  knowing  who  is  responsible  for  its  affairs. 

The  lesson  of  our  twenty  years’  experience  was  as 
clear  as  the  day.  It  was  simply  that  the  Chinese 
Government  should  be  compelled  to  fulfil  its  engage- 
ments, not  only  in  the  interest  of  foreigners,  but  in 
its  own.  This  policy  had  never  failed  of  success  in 
the  hands  of  British  consuls  of  the  stamp  of  Alcock, 

206 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


Parkes,  Medhurst,  Alabaster,  and  one  or  two  others. 
The  yielding  policy  had  always  failed,  both  in  the 
object  aimed  at  and  in  retaining  the  friendship  of 
the  Chinese  officials  to  whom  we  yielded.  No  more 
favorable  conditions  could  be  conceived  for  impress- 
ins:  and  influencincj  the  Government  of  China  than 
those  which  existed  at  the  close  of  the  campaign  of 
i860.  They  had  been  routed,  the  Emperor  had  fled 
to  Jehol,  those  who  were  left  to  carry  on  the  govern- 
ment were  trembling  for  their  heads.  They  were  in 
the  condition  of  a horse  that  has  been  strapped  up 
and  thrown  by  a horse-breaker.  Anything  could 
have  been  done  with  them.  This  is  testified  to  by 
Mr.  H.  N.  Lay,  who  was  present,  and  in  a better  posi- 
tion to  know  than  any  one  else  who  has  yet  chosen 
to  utter  his  opinion.  This  is  what  he  says; 

“ When  I left  China  the  Emperor’s  Government,  under  the  press- 
ure of  necessity,  and  with  the  beneficial  terror  established  by  the 
allied  foray  to  Peking  in  i860  fresh  in  their  recollection,  was  in  the 
best  of  moods,  willing  to  be  guided,  thankful  for  counsel,  grateful 
for  help,  and  in  return  for  that  help  prepared  to  do  what  was  right 
by  the  foreigner.” 

And  within  two  years  this  was  the  state  of  things: 

“ What  did  I find  on  my  return  ? The  face  of  things  was  entirely 
changed.  There  was  the  old  insolent  demeanor,  the  nonsensical 
language  of  exclusion,  the  open  mockery  of  all  treaties.  ...  In 
short,  all  the  ground  gained  by  the  treaty  of  1858  had  been  frittered 
away,  and  we  were  thrust  back  into  the  position  we  occupied  before 
the  war — one  of  helpless  remonstrance  and  impotent  menace,  . . . 
the  labor  of  years  lost  through  egregious  mismanagement.  The 
Foreign  Board  looked  upon  our  European  representatives  as  so 
many  rots  faim'ants.  . . . Prince  Rung  was  no  longer  accessible, 
...  he  professed  to  be  engaged  with  more  important  matters.” 

207 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


We  have  dwelt  on  the  opening  of  foreign  diplo- 
matic intercourse  at  some  length  because  it  consti- 
tutes the  substratum  of  subsec|uent  history,  including 
all  crises  in  Chinese  affairs  ; and  what  follows  in  this 
chapter  will  require  constant  mental  reference  to  the 
forecjoins:  remarks,  in  order  to  make  it  intellicrible. 

o o o 

The  omission  to  implement  the  Treaty  of  Tientsin 
of  1858  by  at  once  placing  a representative  in  Peking, 
an  omission  which  caused  the  naval  disaster  at  Taku 
in  1859  and  necessitated  the  campaign  of  i860,  was 
not  repeated  in  that  year.  The  Minister  himself  did 
not  remain  during  the  winter,  there  being  no  suitable 
quarters  for  his  accommodation,  but  a junior  official 
in  the  Consular  Service,  Mr.  Atkins,  was  left  in  charge. 
The  Legations  were  formally  opened  in  the  spring  of 
1861,  Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  younger  brother  of  the 
Lord  Elo;in  who  had  negotiated  both  the  treaties, 
representing  Great  Britain.  In  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment departments  no  provision  existed  for  the  totally 
unforeseen  contingency  of  receiving  foreign  repre- 
sentatives otherwise  than  as  tribute-bearers ; but  the 
necessity  for  doing  so  having  been  at  last  recognized 
by  the  Imperial  Government,  the  board  or  office 
known  as  the  Tsungli  Yamen  was  established  in 
January,  1861,  and  was  ready  to  transact  business 
on  the  arrival  of  the  foreign  Ministers.  It  did  not 
take,  and  never  has  taken,  rank  with  the  Six  Boards, 
and  bore  at  first  a tentative  character.  It  has  been 
aptly  called  a species  of  Cabinet,  composed  of  mem- 
bers of  certain  State  departments.  The  head  of  the 
institution  then,  as  until  the  day  of  his  decease,  was 

208 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


Prince  Kung,  the  sixth  son  of  the  Emperor  Tauk- 
wang — who  was  brother  of  the  Emperor  Hienfung, 
then  in  retirement  at  Jehol,  where  he  died  in  October, 
1 86 1 — and  uncle  of  the  present  reigning  monarch. 
The  Prince  was  from  the  first  a reasonable  and  sober 
man  of  affairs,  courteous  in  manner,  whose  character 
inspired  hopes  of  the  regeneration  of  the  Chinese 
State.  But  probably  the  member  of  the  Tsungli 
Yamen  who  approached  nearer  to  the  ideal  of  a 
patriot,  was  serious  and  intelligent,  and  had  almost 
more  than  an  ordinary  statesman’s  grasp  of  affairs 
and  their  possibilities,  was  Wensiang,  between  whom 
and  the  foreign  Legations  a greater  intimacy  sprang 
up  than  has  ever  been  possible  with  any  Chinese  or 
Manchu  statesman  since  his  death,  which  occurred 
in  1875. 

The  intercourse  between  this  enlightened  and 
patriotic  man  and  the  foreign  representatives,  more 
especially  the  British,  who  in  this  connection  may  be 
held  to  include  the  head  of  the  Imperial  Maritime 
or  Foreign  Customs,  was  fruitful  in  an  exchange  of 
views  of  a highly  interesting  character,  both  oral  and 
written,  which,  if  collected,  might  form  the  basis  of 
a new  political  philosophy.  Whoever  studies  the 
works  of  Buckle,  Spencer,  or  other  writers  who 
endeavor  to  generalize  from  world-wide  data,  is  con- 
stantly reminded  of  a great  gap  in  their  chain  of 
reasoning,  because  a fourth  of  the  human  race  is 
virtually  excluded.  Dr.  Pearson  is  an  exception  to 
this,  but  he  also  fails  to  master  his  Chinese  data. 
For  the  first  time  a genuine  representative  of  the 

209 


o 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ethnic  consciousness  of  China,  with  four  thousand 
years  of  continuous  accumulated  history  and  tradition 
behind  him  and  a practical  problem  of  extreme  exi- 
gency in  front  of  him,  was  brought  into  sympathetic 
communion  with  wise  men  from  the  West,  bringing 
in  their  persons  the  mellow  fruit  of  their  two  thousand 
years  of  strife  and  progress ; and  the  result  of  the 
contact,  if  given  to  the  world,  could  not  fail  to  be 
highly  instructive.  But  this  was  unfortunately  a 
mere  episode,  which  led  to  nothing  but  disappoint- 
ment, felt  the  more  deeply  on  account  of  the  high 
hopes  which  had  been  not  unreasonably  raised. 
There  was  no  successor  to  Wensiang.  The  Tsungli 
Yamen  fell  into  the  condition  of  an  ordinary  gov- 
ernment department,  with  special  vices  of  its  own, 
an  institution  for  the  prevention  of  business.  The 
number  of  its  members,  originally  three,  increased, 
and  varied  from  seven  to  nine,  but  its  fatal  incapacity 
lay  in  the  fact  that  it  was  a body  without  a head ; 
for,  though  there  was  always  a nominal  president, 
he  absented  himself  when  he  chose  from  the  daily 
attendance.  The  principle  of  responsibility  being 
carried  to  such  lengths  in  China  as  cannot  be  under- 
stood by  the  mere  use  of  the  same  word  in  the  West, 
the  vice  which  detracts  so  much  from  efficiency 
among  Western  officials,  the  habit  of  evading  respon- 
sibility, is  so  fully  developed  there  that  it  seemed 
as  if  the  new  Foreign  Board  in  Peking  had  no  other 
reason  for  its  existence.  The  Yamen,  until  forced 
into  greater  activity  by  the  pressure  of  events  result- 
ing from  the  Japanese  War,  served  merely  as  the  cold 


210 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


water  which  extinguished  the  hot  irons  thrust  into 

o 

it  by  the  ardor  of  the  foreign  agents.  To  transact 
business  with  the  Board  was  declared  by  Sir  Harry 
Parkes  to  be  a physical  tour  de  force.  Sir  R.  Alcock 
more  minutely  described  it  in  the  Fortnightly  Revieu), 
May,  1876 : 

“ It  is  beating  the  air  to  talk  to  them  of  treaty  rights  and  ob- 
ligations, the  claims  of  justice,  or  the  benefits  that  would  accrue 
to  them,  as  to  us,  by  a more  progressive  and  liberal  policy.  The 
tyro  in  such  work  is  at  first  charmed  with  the  courtesy  and  pa- 
tience shown  in  listening  to  what  he  hopes  may  prove  convincing 
arguments.  They  are  even  met,  in  reply,  with  a certain  show  of 
appreciative  intelligence  and  willingness  to  be  convinced  or  better 
informed.  When,  however,  many  such  interviews  and  interminable 
correspondence  in  further  elucidation  have  e.xhausted  the  subject, 
and  the  time  has  arrived  for  action  or  definite  result,  the  disillusion 
quickly  follows.  Perhaps  at  a final  meeting  for  the  purpose  of  set- 
tlement, when  there  is  nothing  more  apparently  to  be  said  on 
either  side,  his  proposal  to  settle  the  terms  of  agreement  is  met  by 
a request  in  the  blandest  accents,  and  with  a perfectly  unmoved 
countenance,  to  explain  what  it  is  that  is  wanted,  as  he  is  ready 
to  hear!  — all  that  passed  in  weeks  of  discussion  is  as  though  it 
had  never  been.  It  is  simply  ignored,  and  the  whole  argument,  in 
which  days  or  weeks  have  been  consumed,  has  to  be  begun  de  ncrvo, 
or  abandoned  as  hopeless.  What  diplomacy  can  avail  against  such 
adversaries  ?” 

And  the  modus  opcrandi  was  still  more  minutely 
depicted  by  a correspondent  of  the  Times  in  1884, 
cited  in  the  Life  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes,  by  Stanley 
Lane  Poole : 

“ They  commence  by  the  delicate  plaisantcrie  o{  offering  refresh- 
ments which  they  know  their  visitor  will  not  touch,  and  the  attend- 
ants know  the  art  of  killing  time  by  bringing  in  the  repast,  dish  by 
dish,  with  infinite  fuss  and  ceremony.  The  visitor  sits  meanwhile, 
more  or  less  patiently,  on  a hard  seat  in  a cheerless  room,  grimy 


2 1 1 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


with  venerable  dirt,  the  north  wind  moaning  through  the  crevdces. 
Fortunately  the  etiquette  of  the  country  permits  the  hat  to  be  kept 
on,  and  necessity  compels  the  visitor  to  wear  a thick  ulster  with  the 
fur-lined  collar  turned  up  to  cov'er  the  ears,  if  it  be  winter.  At  last, 
when  the  melon-seeds  and  sugar-plums  have  been  distributed  in  sau- 
cers all  over  the  only  table  on  which  the  foreigner  would  have  liked 
to  spread  his  papers,  business  is  supposed  to  commence,  half  an 
hour  having  been  happily  consumed  in  arranging  sweetmeats.  ‘ And 
now,’  observes  the  visitor,  ‘ what  is  your  answer  about  the  robbery 
of  merchandise  belonging  to  Mr.  Smith  at  Nam-kwei,  and  the  beat- 
ing of  his  serv'ants  for  refusing  to  pay  the  illegal  e.xtortions  of  the 
officials.^’  One  of  their  rules  is  that  no  one  shall  speak  first.  So 
they  take  sidelong  glances  at  each  other  and  keep  silence  until 
one,  bolder  than  the  rest,  opens  his  mouth,  as  much  to  the  surprise 
as  relief  of  his  comrades,  who  watch  the  reckless  man  in  the  hope 
that  he  will  drop  something  which  may  serve  hereafter  to  put  a 
sting  into  some  surreptitious  charge  against  him.  What  he  does 
say  is,  ‘ Take  some  of  these  walnuts:  they  come  from  the  prefecture 
of  Long- way,  which  was  celebrated  for  the  excellence  of  its  fruit!’ 
Then  follows  a discussion  on  the  merits  of  walnuts,  which  is,  how- 
ever, not  nearly  such  excellent  fooling  as  Lord  Granville’s  dis- 
course on  tea-roses  to  the  gentleman  who  sought  an  intervdew  on 
some  important  question  connected  with  China,  but  it  fulfils  the 
same  purpose.  When  they  do  speak,  they  all  speak  at  once,  and, 
like  Mr.  Puff’s  friends,  their  unanimity  is  something  wonderful, 
and  their  courage  rises  to  heroism.  What  they  do  say  can  of 
course  be  neither  understood  nor  answered  ; so  much  the  better, 
since  time  has  been  killed,  with  the  arrow  of  controversy  still  in 
the  quiver.  The  Foreign  Minister’s  lips  begin  to  grow  pale,  and 
other  signs  of  exhaustion  warn  the  courageous  ones  that  it  is  time 
to  shout  louder  if  haply  they  may  stun  their  auditor  with  their 
noise.” 

Obviously,  then,  the  so-called  Foreign  Office  of 
China  was  a negative  quantity,  having  neither  the 
faculty  of  initiation  nor  appreciation.  Its  attitude 
towards  foreign  ideas  was  that  of  a deaf  person  in 
regard  to  sounds  or  of  a blind  man  in  regard  to 
colors.  The  phenomenon  is  not  so  very  uncommon 


2 12 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


even  among  men  of  Western  race  and  education, 
when  strange  subjects  are  for  the  first  time  ex- 
pounded. A delusive  grammatical  comprehension 
of  the  phraseology  is  constantly  mistaken  for  a real 
intelligence  of  the  matter,  which,  however  often  ex- 
plained, still  leaves  the  auditor,  who  lacks  the  nec- 
essary faculty,  puzzled  to  know  what  it  is  all  about. 
The  impossibility  of  imparting  to  even  highly 
trained  and  eagerly  receptive  minds  in  the  West  a 
conception  of  the  life  of  the  Chinese  and  of  their 
cogitations  on  matters  of  national  policy  or  sociol- 
ogy, might  have  suggested  to  foreign  Ministers  pos- 
sible mitigating  circumstances  in  judging  of  Chi- 
nese obstructiveness.  It  was  not  a simple  quantity, 
but  a mixture  of  mulishness,  blankness,  and  dread  of 
personal  responsibility.  The  fact,  however,  remains 
that  a stone  wall  would  have  been  about  as  effective 
an  instrument  of  policy  as  this  coterie  of  Chinese 
statesmen;  and  an  early  recognition  of  the  true 
state  of  the  case  might  have  saved  much  gratuitous 
heart-burning  in  the  first,  and  more  fatalistic  cal- 
lousness in  the  later  incumbents  of  diplomatic  posts. 
Moreover,  a more  general  recognition  of  the  facts 
would  have  saved  foreign  Governments,  the  British 
in  particular,  from  profound  misguidance  in  their 
Far  Eastern  policy.  These  have  all,  except  one, 
lived  on  delusions  which  events  of  the  most  drastic 
character  have  failed  altogether  to  dispel.  In  the 
incompetence  and  impracticability  of  the  officially 
appointed  medium  is  to  be  found  the  reason,  though 
not  the  excuse,  for  trusting  to  unorthodox  substi- 

213 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tute  channels  of  communication  which  have  led  to 
no  satisfactory  results,  and  in  the  nature  of  things 
could  never  do  so. 

Diplomatic  intercourse  in  China  opened  under  a 
cloud,  which  exercised  a most  adverse  influence 
over  its  early,  and  by  consequence  over  its  whole, 
development.  That  was  the  absence  of  the  Emperor, 
who  had  fled  before  the  invadinsf  host  in  i860  and 
had  not  been  induced  to  return  to  his  capital  when 
he  died  in  the  autumn  of  1861.  The  Government 
was  in  commission,  and  consequently  weak.  In  one 
way  this  fact  rendered  it  pliable,  while  in  another  it 
disposed  the  foreign  representatives  to  a forbear- 
ance which  proved  fatal  to  good  working  relations. 
There  was  no  sovereign  to  whom  Ministers  could 
deliver  their  credentials ; hence  the  question  of  au- 
dience was  postponed.  Matters  were  not  improved 
when  the  Throne  became  occupied  by  a child,  and 
the  Regents  were  two  women.  Neither  did  the 
“audience  question”  improve  by  keeping;  in  fact, 
international  relations  were  stamped  with  a pro- 
visional character  during  the  whole  time  of  the 
minority.  The  first  audience  granted  by  the  Em- 
peror Tungchih  was  in  1873;  it  was  purely  formal, 
everything  being  done  on  the  Chinese  side  to  mini- 
mize its  importance,  and  its  practical  effect  on  busi- 
ness was  absolutely  nil.  All  the  hopes  of  improved 
relations  which  have  been  based  on  it  proved  il- 
lusory; there  was  only  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  with 
the  imbecility  of  age  grafted  on  to  the  ignorance  of 
youth,  as  at  this  day. 


214 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


There  was  another  cloud  which  cast  a depressing 
shadow  on  Chinese  affairs,  the  Taiping  rebellion, 
which  from  trivial  beginnings  in  1849  or  1850  had 
spread  havoc  over  the  richest  and  most  populous 
provinces  of  the  Empire.  How  near  the  Dynasty 
came  to  be  shaken  by  this  movement  is  only  a 
matter  of  speculation,  but  the  paralysis  of  order  in 
the  provinces,  added  to  the  humiliation  of  the 
Emperor  by  foreigners,  formed  a combination  which 
was  anything  but  speculative.  It  was  not  only  the 
Chinese  Government  that  was  paralyzed  by  these 
calamitous  circumstances;  the  foreign  representa- 
tives in  Peking  and  their  Governments  at  home 
found  themselves  in  what  may  be  well  called  an 
impossible  situation.  While  they  ought  to  have 
been  pressing  and  moulding  the  Central  Govern- 
ment into  the  forms  which  were  calculated  to  insure 
good  relations  in  the  future,  they  were  as  much 
concerned  as  the  Chinese  themselves  in  checkinsf 

O 

the  ravages  of  the  rebellion,  and  both  directly  and 
indirectly  the  Erench  and  British  Governments 
assisted  in  the  final  suppression  of  the  movement. 
The  patient  had  first  to  be  cured  of  his  disease 
before  being  corrected  in  his  manners,  but  the  con- 
valescence was  so  protracted  that  the  opportunity 
for  correction  never  came. 

An  incident  in  connection  with  the  rebellion,  and 
one  which  brought  into  sudden  prominence  certain 
features  in  the  new  international  relationship,  deserves 
a passing  notice.  That  was  the  commissioning  of  a 
steam  flotilla  manned  by  British  seamen  and  officered 

215 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


and  commanded  by  British  naval  officers,  known  as 
the  Lay-Osborne  fleet.  The  ships  were  ordered  by 
Prince  Rung  through  Sir  Robert,  then  Mr.,  Hart, 
the  lociim  tenens  of  Mr.  Lay,  the  first  Inspector- 
General  of  Customs,  who  was  in  England  on  leave 
from  1 86 1 to  1863.  The  immediate  purpose  of  the 
fleet  was  the  suppression  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  by 
the  capture  of  Nanking  and  other  cities  on  the  banks 
of  the  Great  River.  The  ships  arrived  in  command 
of  Captain  Sherard  Osborne,  R.N.,  but  the  contracts 
which  Mr.  Lay  had  made  with  Captain  Osborne  and 
tlie  officers  under  the  direct  sanction  and  supervi- 
sion of  the  British  Government  of  the  day  were  not 
ratified  by  the  Chinese,  and  the  force  was  disbanded 
and  the  ships  sold,  while  Mr.  Lay  decided  to  resign 
the  Chinese  service.  It  is  not  necessary  to  enter 
into  the  merits  of  this  abortive  transaction,  but  it  is 
interesting  to  note  what  was  the  cause  of  the  dif- 
ference between  Prince  Rung  and  Mr.  Lay  which 
led  to  the  break-up  of  the  scheme.  It  was  precisely 
the  same  kind  of  misunderstanding  which  twenty- 
seven  years  later,  with  all  our  added  experience,  led 
to  the  resignation  of  Captain  Lang  from  the  Chinese 
service.  Mr.  Lay  had  acted  on  the  belief  that,  as  his 
authority  came  from  Peking,  he  was  organizing  an 
Imperial  fleet  for  China;  he  refused,  therefore,  to  have 
it  placed  under  the  orders  of  provincial  mandarins, 
and  he  testified  to  the  sincerity  of  his  convictions  by 
throwing  up  a promising  career  rather  than  sanction 
the  employment  of  such  a military  weapon  at  the 
pleasure  of  local  officials.  Had  Mr.  Lay  not  been 

216 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


affected  as  others  also  were  by  tlie  glamour  of  a cen- 
tral government,  he  would  perhaps  have  suspected 
from  the  first  that  Prince  Kung  could  not  really 
intend  what  he  said  in  the  sense  in  which  he  (Mr. 
Lay)  received  the  communication.  It  was  a case  of 
words  being  understood  in  different  senses,  not, 
perhaps,  without  a secret  intention  of  misleading. 
But  Mr.  Lay’s  misjudgment  was  venial  compared 
with  that  of  the  British  officials  responsible  for  the 
engagement  of  Captain  Lang,  whose  services  were 
lent,  some  twenty  years  later,  by  the  British  to  the 
Chinese  Government  for  the  special  purpose  of  or- 
ganizing the  Chinese  Fleet.  He  was  not  only  placed 
under  the  orders  of  Li  Hung  Chang,  but  by  him 
made  subordinate  to  the  Chinese  Admiral,  with 
whom  Captain  Lang  was  induced  to  believe  he  was 
associated  on  equal  terms.  The  whole  Lay-Osborne 
incident  was  promptly  disposed  of  in  the  summer  of 
1863,  and  ceased  to  disturb  the  even  flow  of  diplo- 
macy; and  Captain  Lang,  having  found  his  position 
untenable,  sent  in  his  resignation.  That  these  two 
separate  incidents,  involving  such  important  issues 
conneeted  with  naval  supremacy  in  the  Far  East, 
should  have  ended  so  disastrously,  illustrates  the 
strange  fatality  which  has  attended  our  dealings 
with  China. 

It  is  important  to  observe  that  the  sapping  of 
foreign  influence  in  Peking,  through  the  deferential 
tactics  of  the  diplomatists  there,  ran  for  a number  of 
years  parallel  with  the  remarkably  clear  and  strong 
policy  of  the  British  Government  at  home.  From 

217 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  time  when  its  assertion  was  rendered  necessary 
by  the  insults  at  Canton,  in  1856,  until  several  years 
after  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  by  Gordon,  our 
Government  followed  a course  both  in  China  and 
Japan  which  was  at  once  bold  and  prudent,  eminent- 
ly conducive  to  the  best  interests  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  civilized  world,  and  to  the  peace  and  welfare 
of  the  Chinese  Empire.  The  rebellion  in  China  was 
really  put  down  by  Lord  Palmerston,  for  it  was  in 
full  faith  of  his  loyal  support  that  the  British  officers 
on  the  spot  were  emboldened  to  take  the  decided 
course  which  led  to  such  great  results  as  the  practi- 
cal opening  of  the  river  Yangtsze  to  the  commerce 
of  the  world,  the  suppression  of  piracy  and  all 
other  forms  of  disorder,  and  the  covering  with 
myriads  of  white  sails  of  that  vast  expanse  of 
water  which,  in  1861,  was  as  desolate  as  the  Arctic 
Ocean.  This  resolute  and  compact  policy  was  most 
exhilarating  to  all  foreigners  engaged  in  commercial 
pursuits  or  mission  work  in  China — not  to  those  of 
British  nationality  alone,  nor  even  to  foreigners  ex- 
clusively, but  to  all  Chinese — and  there  are  vast  num- 
bers of  them — who  came  within  the  influence  of  the 
British  system.  It  was  a wholesome,  manly,  and  in- 
spiring influence,  and  to  the  men  of  that  generation 
it  seemed  as  permanently  established  as  if  it  were 
part  of  the  order  of  nature.  They  even  ceased  to 
be  thankful  for  it,  taking  it  all  as  a matter  of  course, 
like  light  and  air  and  water.  The  policy,  indeed, 
was  attacked  on  party  grounds,  and  on  grounds 
which,  narrow  as  they  were,  went  beyond  mere 

218 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


party  controversy,  by  Bright  and  Cobden,  who  ad- 
vocated our  retirement  from  the  Chinese  ports  to 
some  peaceful  island  whence  we  could  conduct  our 
trade,  represented  by  them  as  of  a very  petty  nature. 
But  the  straightforward  and  business-like  expositions 
of  Lord  Palmerston,  his  perfect  mastery  of  the  whole 
question,  and  his  lusty  large-heartedness  easily  swept 
away  opposition,  and  the  country  settled  down  com- 
fortably in  the  feeling  that,  however  little  it  under- 
stood of  these  far-distant  affairs,  their  management 
was  in  competent  hands.  This  happy  state  of  things 
came  to  an  end,  and  it  is  sad  to  have  to  look  back 
upon  so  recent  a period  as  a golden  age  little  under- 
stood by  the  generation  then  living.  It  is  now  easy 
to  see  how  the  mere  progress  of  the  world  must  in 
any  case  have  brought  about  changes  in  the  balance 
of  power  in  the  Far  East,  but  it  is  also  not  difficult 
to  assign  a date  when  British  supremacy  there  re- 
ceived its  death-blow:  it  was  on  the  23d  of  October, 
1865,  when  Lord  Palmerston  expired.  It  is  true  he 
left  behind  him  that  most  experienced  Foreign  Sec- 
retary, Lord  Clarendon,  who  was  able  to  indite  de- 
spatches which  cannot  even  to  this  day  be  surpassed 
for  literary  finish  and  absolute  correctness  of  doc- 
trine. But  the  soul  had  departed  from  the  Ministry 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  as  was  seen  within  three  short 
years — a.s  soon,  in  fact,  as  Lord  Clarendon  was  con- 
fronted with  a test ; and,  with  the  exception  of  a very 
short  interval,  it  has  remained  absent. 

This  brings  us  to  another  singular  phenomenon 
which  appeared  in  Peking  towards  the  end  of  1867. 

219 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  representative  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Anson 
Burlingame,  accepted  an  appointment  from  the  Chi- 
nese Government  as  special  Envoy  to  Western 
countries,  having  resigned  by  telegraph  his  post  as 
American  Minister.  He  was  accompanied  by  two 
Chinese  officials,  who  were  no  doubt  really  the  en- 
voys, Mr.  Burlingame  being  the  attendant.  His  mis- 
sion was  to  persuade  the  governments  of  the  West 
that  China  was  not  in  a condition  to  be  pressed,  that 
if  left  entirely  to  her  own  devices  she  would  do  every- 
thing that  was  proper.  In  particular,  he  inveighed, 
with  the  turgid  eloquence  of  which  he  was  a master, 
aqainst  anv  coercion  beinsf  resorted  to  for  the  re- 
dress  of  injuries  in  the  provinces — “the  throat  poli- 
cy,” as  he  termed  this  process.  He  also  made  exten- 
sive promises  on  behalf  of  China,  with  one  eye 
directed  towards  the  mercantile  and  the  other  tow- 
ards the  missionary  sentiment  of  the  English-speak- 
ing nations.  “ The  Shining  Cross,”  in  his  glowing 
phraseology,  was  to  be  planted  on  every  hill  and 
throughout  China.  It  so  happened,  however,  that 
while  Mr.  Burlingame  was  on  tour  outrages  on  mis- 
sionaries and  on  merchants  in  widely  separated  por- 
tions of  China  had  been  adequately  and  effectively 
redressed  after  a very  slight  display  of  force,  follow- 
ing, but  by  a long  interval,  the  vigorous  action  which 
had  proved  so  salutary  in  Shanghai  two  decades 
earlier.  Lord  Clarendon,  apparently  without  con- 
sulting his  own  paid  and  responsible  agents  in 
China,  seemed  to  accept  Mr.  Burlingame’s  inspira- 
tion without  a grain  of  salt,  and  addressed  severe 


220 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


reprimands  to  certain  consuls,  who,  in  the  opinion  of 
all  foreign  residents  in  China,  had  rendered  valuable 
services  to  humanity  while  defending  the  immunities 
of  British  subjects.  It  was  the  first  public  pro- 
nouncement of  the  death  of  the  Palmerstonian  tradi- 
tion, and  of  the  relapse  of  Great  Britain  into  an 
effeminate,  invertebrate,  inconsequent  policy,  swayed 
by  every  wind  from  without  or  within,  and  opposed 
to  the  judgment  of  her  own  experienced  represen- 
tatives— the  policy  which  has  beyond  doubt  led  to 
the  decline  of  British  prestige  in  Asia.  The  gene- 
sis of  the  Burlingame  mission  is  somewhat  obscure, 
its  precise  object  scarcely  less  so ; but  its  putative 
parents  and  actual  sponsors  are  believed  to  have 
deprecated  its  consequences  as  having  gone  far 
beyond  what  was  hoped  or  intended  when  it  was 
despatched. 

The  new  departure  of  the  British  Government  in 
1869  received  with  consternation  by  the  foreign 
communities  in  China.  Instructions  were  sent  out 
forbidding  her  Majesty’s  ships  to  land  their  men 
under  any  circumstances,  except  to  take  the  British 
residents  on  shipboard  when  they  were  threatened 
with  danger.  The  dismay  of  the  residents  was  tem- 
pered with  mirth  provoked  by  the  impracticable 
nature  of  the  new  order,  which  was  scarcely  less  ab- 
surd than  would  be  one  to  embark  the  population  of 
Brighton  on  board  a couple  of  channel  steamers. 
The  alarming  feature  in  the  case — for  there  was  no 
officer  in  the  British  Navy  who  would  have  carried 
out  the  instructions — was  the  ignorance  displayed 


22  1 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


by  the  British  Government  of  the  actual  conditions 
of  life  in  China,  ignorance  which  would  have  been 
impossible  in  the  lifetime  of  Lord  Palmerston,  who 
was  never  at  fault  in  his  appreciation  of  the  com- 
mon facts  of  the  Chinese  cpiestion.  That  the  same 
inaccpiaintance  with  facts  has  prevailed  till  now 
there  is  reason  to  believe,  notwithstanding  a succes- 
sion of  highly  paid  representatives  in  China,  with  an 
extensive  and  capable  staff  of  consuls,  all  possessing 
a knowledge  of  the  language.  Once  our  Govern- 
ment entered  on  the  course  of  taking  its  information 
from  every  source  but  the  legitimate  one,  it  necessa- 
rily landed  itself  in  a perpetual  fog,  in  which  it  be- 
came more  and  more  dependent  on  such  information 
as  might  be  volunteered  from  extraneous  and  not 
always  disinterested  sources. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  may  be  inferred  that 
diplomatic  intercourse  in  Peking  has  always  been 
of  a hidebound  character.  There  was  never  any 
give-and-take  in  it,  because  such  a thing  as  equality 
of  standing  could  not  enter  into  the  conception  of 
the  Chinese  Ministers,  and  they  could  not  in  their 
hearts  either  extend  fair  treatment  to  foreigners  or 
expect  such  at  their  hands.  Hence  the  attitude  of 
the  Chinese  has  been  mere  resistance  tempered  by 
fear.  For  some  years  indeed,  with  a few  exceptions, 
until  the  Audience  deliberations  of  1891,  the  diplo- 
matic body  acted  together ; and  had  they  always 
done  so  their  will  would  have  been  irresistible.  But 
their  unity  could  never  carry  them  very  far:  in  the 
nature  of  things  their  interests  began  to  differ,  and 


2 2 2 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


their  policy  still  more.  Then  the  Chinese  saw  their 
opportunity  of  pitting  one  Power  against  the  other, 
and  of  profiting,  in  their  shortsighted  manner,  by  the 
mutual  jealousies,  not  always  of  the  Powers  them- 
selves, but  of  their  local  representatives.  These 
divisions  in  the  aims  and  policy  of  the  foreign  Pow- 
ers, which  began  to  show  themselves  as  cracks  and 
fissures  not  very  perceptible  from  a distance,  have 
now  widened  into  yawning  chasms.  For  many 
years,  too,  the  Chinese  Ministers  were  naturally  ac- 
customed to  rely,  especially  in  their  controversies 
with  Great  Britain,  on  the  advice  and  mediation  of 
their  own  paid  servant,  the  Inspector  - General  of 
Customs,  who  has  often  succeeded  in  blunting,  if 
not  breaking,  the  weapon  levelled  against  his  prin- 
cipals. The  touchstone  of  all  discussions  has  been 
force ; and  the  Chinese  have  remained  true  to  the 
character  which  the  late  Lord  Elgin  gave  them,  of 
“yielding  nothing  to  reason  but  everything  to  fear.” 
The  same  testimony  has  been  borne  by  his  succes- 
sors in  the  representation  of  Great  Britain  in  Peking. 
Accordingly, whenever  a question  reached  the  point 
of  urgency,  they  would  simply  ask  their  referee, 
“ Does  it  mean  war?”  If  the  answer  was  Yes,  they 
would  instantly  yield,  and  if  No,  they  refused  to  give 
way.  Had  foreign  Powers  understood  the  true  state 
of  the  case — and  it  was  often  enough  e.xplained  to 
them  by  their  agents — their  diplomacy  might  have 
been  greatly  simplified.  Anything  could  have  been 
obtained  at  any  time  during  the  past  thirty-seven 
years,  just  as  we  see  anything  can  be  obtained  to- 

223 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


da}',  by  threats  in  which  the  Chinese  Gov'ernment 
believes ; for  there  had  been  a settled  determination 
during  the  whole  of  that  period  that  under  no  cir- 
cumstances would  the  Court  risk  an  invasion.  Japan 
might  have  had  all  she  wanted  in  Korea  without 
firing  a shot  had  she  been  so  disposed,  but,  wishing 
to  gratify  the  military  party,  the  opportunitv  of  re- 
fusint^  an  ultimatum  was  not  even  granted  to  China. 
The  nearest  approach  to  a threat  of  war  was  when, 
failing  to  obtain  redress  for  the  murder  of  Margary 
on  the  Burmo-Chinese  frontier.  Sir  Thomas  Wade 
left  Peking.  He  was  promptly  followed  to  Chifu 
by  Li  Hung  Chang,  and  a settlement  was  come  to. 
It  was  a settlement  injurious  to  the  interests  of 
Great  Britain,  the  state  of  affairs  in  Europe  in  1876 
operating  greatly  in  favor  of  the  Chinese  negotiator, 
for,  though  the  British  Minister  was  supported  by  a 
naval  demonstration,  his  antagonist  had  private  in- 
formation that  no  coercive  action  would  be  taken. 
It  was  purely  a cpiestion  of  force,  nevertheless,  and 
but  for  the  natural  reluctance  of  Li  Hung  Chang  to 
return  empty-handed  to  Peking,  and  the  desire  on 
both  sides  to  put  an  end  to  a troublesome  contro- 
versy, no  treaty  at  all  might  have  been  concluded  at 
Chifu. 

The  unreasoning  resistance  of  the  Chinese  was 
never,  of  course,  so  absolute  but  that  some  impres- 
sion could  be  made  upon  it  by  foreign  Ministers 
who  combined  ability  with  perseverance.  There 
have  been  one  or  two  such  personalities  among  the 
various  legations,  and  some  who  inspired  the  Chinese 


224 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


Government  with  confidence.  General  Vlangali, 
who  represented  Russia  in  the  seventies,  was  more 
than  once  appealed  to  in  after-years,  when  he  was 
in  office  in  St,  Petersburg,  by  Li  Hung  Chang,  as 
man  to  man,  and  he  never  uttered  an  uncertain 
sound.  Herr  von  Brandt,  who  represented  Ger- 
many for  an  unusully  lengthy  period,  gained  great 
influence  with  the  members  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen, 
and  was  one  of  the  few  who  was  able  to  cultivate 
personal  relations  with  some  of  those  highest  in 
rank,  who  visited  him  privately  at  his  residence.  It 
has  always  been  one  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
a good  understanding  that  private  intercourse  was 
barred  by  custom  and  etiquette,  and  that  all  conver- 
sations and  negotiations  had  to  be  carried  on  with 
a group,  each  member  more  concerned  to  make  the 
approved  pose  before  his  own  jealous  colleagues 
than  to  clear  up  the  business  in  hand.  Even  in  re- 
turning official  calls,  the  Chinese  Ministers  were  ac- 
customed to  hunt  in  couples,  like  sisters  of  charity 
collecting  subscriptions;  hence  it  was  an  important 
step  to  get  in  touch  with  a single  individual,  a thing 
not  unknown  in  the  provinces,  but  virtually  pro- 
scribed in  the  metropolis.  Some  of  the  most  impor- 
tant of  the  recent  concessions,  the  foundation  of  all 
that  have  followed,  were  extorted  from  Prince  Kung, 
who  was  induced,  against  his  own  wish,  to  accept 
the  hospitality  of  the  Russian  legation,  where  he 
passed  an  evening  between  Count  Cassini  and  M. 
Gerard — with  tragic  consequences  for  China, 

It  was  only  by,  so  to  say,  capturing  a single  re- 

225 


p 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


sponsible  Minister  and  withdrawing  him  entirely 
from  his  colleagues  that  anything  like  secrecy  could 
be  secured  for  any  negotiation.  Business  transacted 
at  the  Tsungli  Yamen  might  almost  as  well  be 
conducted  in  the  market-place,  and  the  foreign 
Ministers  who  take  the  trouble  are  able  to  inform 
themselves  accurately  and  promptly  of  all  that  passes 
between  Chinese  and  foreign  diplomatists.  They 
are  not  all  equally  well  served  in  this  matter,  mainly 
because  they  are  not  equally  liberal  in  the  use 
of  means.  Russia  takes  first  rank  with  her  Intelli- 
gence Department,  and  employs  the  most  infallible 
methods.  The  “ travelling  rouble  ” works  marv^els. 
Most  Chinese  officials  of  any  utility  are  in  the  pay 
of  Russia,  the  amount  being  graduated  according  to 
rank  and  circumstances.  The  very  man  sent  to 
St.  Petersburg  in  March,  1898,  to  make  an  appeal 
to  the  Tsar  on  behalf  of  Port  Arthur  is  a stipendiary 
of  Russia  in  his  capacity  of  sinecure  director  of  the 
Russo-Chinese  Bank.  To  those  who  know  anything 
of  the  modus  opa^andi  in  Peking,  the  idea  that  a 
British  newspaper  correspondent  there  could  ever 
transmit  a piece  of  important  news  not  known  in 
the  Russian  les;ation  is  altogether  absurd. 

Of  course,  since  the  Japan  War,  which  ceased  in 
1895,  there  has  been  less  and  less  diplomacy,  and 
more  and  more  force,  applied  to  the  Government  of 
China.  As  was  said  by  a Russian  official,  “ It  is  not 
a question  what  China  will  grant,  but  what  foreign- 
ers will  take  ” — a question  of  force  and  that  alone. 
The  progress  of  the  Audience  question  is  only 

226 


DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 


another  illustration  of  the  same  thing.  Most  reluc- 
tantly, and  by  the  slowest  steps,  have  the  doors  of 
the  Imperial  Palace  been  open  to  the  foreign  repre- 
sentatives ; points  of  ceremony  have  been  yielded 
with  rigid  parsimony,  beginning  with  the  function 
of  1873,  suspended,  during  the  long  minority  of  the 
present  Emperor,  until  1891  ; and  now,  after  the 
harshest  possible  treatment  by  the  “ mailed  fist  ” of 
Germany,  the  full  honors  have  been  for  the  first 
time  accorded  to  Prince  Henry  of  Prussia. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 

In  the  state  of  ferment  into  which  the  Chinese 
nation  has  been  thrown  by  the  pressure  of  recent 
events,  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  that  new  social 
forces  will  come  into  play,  while  old  ones  may  as- 
sume a new  development.  The  future  is  therefore 
full  of  interest,  and  there  may  be  many  surprises  in 
store  for  us  in  the  process  of  adjustment  to  new 
conditions  on  which  China  has  now  entered. 
Among  the  factors  in  the  new  evolution  none  de^ 
serves  more  attention  than  the  Chinese  Press,  which, 
though  only  in  its  infancy  as  yet,  has  shown  such 
signs  of  vitality  that  its  influence  on  the  course  of 
events  in  the  Empire  must  henceforth  be  taken 
seriously  into  account. 

Although  of  Western  origin,  for  the  most  part 
owned  by  foreigners,  and  printed  with  foreign  ap- 
pliances, there  is  no  civilized  institution  that  has  so 
really  commended  itself  to  the  non-ofiicial  classes  of 
the  Empire  as  the  modern  daily  paper.  The  Chi- 
nese Peking  Gazette,  however,  is  the  oldest  news- 
paper in  the  world,  compared  with  whose  hoary  age 
the  Times  with  its  hundred  summers  is  but  of  yes- 
terday. This  doyen  of  newspapers  began  and  is  still 

22S 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


carried  on  with  the  special  object  of  supplying  the 
people  with  news  regarding  the  acts  of  the  Govern- 
ment. More  valuable  illustrations  of  political  and 
social  institutions  may  be  gathered,  as  Sir  Ruther- 
ford Alcock  contended,  and  a clearer  insight  may  be 
obtained  of  tlie  actual  working  of  the  governing 
machinery,  by  a careful  study  of  the  Peking  Gazette 
than  from  any  other  source.  And  the  glimpses  it 
affords  into  Chinese  life,  manners,  and  customs 
make  it  singularly  valuable  as  a guide  to  further 
inquiry. 

“ If  the  visitor  at  Peking,”  says  Sir  Rutherford,  “ extend  his  re- 
searches into  the  Chinese  city,  and  even  penetrate  into  one  of  the 
narrow  side-streets  near  Lieti-li-chang,  the  Paternoster  Row  of  the 
capital,  he  may  pass  the  door  of  one  of  the  offices  whence  the 
printed  copies  are  issued.  This  is  the  quarter  of  booksellers  and 
their  associate  instruments,  bookbinders  and  wood-engravers.  On 
entering  the  shop,  cases  of  wooden  cut  characters  may  be  seen 
ranged  against  the  wall,  and  sorted  according  to  the  number  of 
strokes  in  each.  Some  of  frequent  occurrence  together  are  ar- 
ranged as  double  characters,  such  as  ‘ Imperial  edict,’  mandarin 
titles,  the  official  title  of  the  reign,  etc.  About  a dozen  of  these 
printing-offices  suffice  to  issue  several  thousand  copies,  from  whence 
they  are  distributed,  as  in  London,  to  their  customers,  or  despatched 
in  batches  to  the  different  provinces.  But  these  offices  are  all  pri- 
vate, and  trust  to  the  sale  of  copies  for  their  reimbursement  and 
profits.  For  six  dollars  a year  the  Pekingese  may  keep  himself 
posted  up  in  all  that  the  Government  thinks  it  desirable  he  should 
know  as  to  its  acts,  or  the  course  of  events  in  the  provinces.  Or  he 
may  hire  his  Gazette  for  the  day.  and  return  it  if  he  does  not  ap- 
prove of  the  cost  of  purchasing.”  * 

Although  in  origin  and  aim  somewhat  similar  to 
our  own  newspaper,  in  one  respect  there  is  a vast 


* Fraser  s Magazine,  1873, 
229 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


difference.  Never  was  there  need  in  China  for  men 
like  Dr.  Johnson  to  listen  to  debates  in  Parliament 
and  carry  them  home  in  their  retentive  memories  to 
be  furbished  up,  for  the  Government  itself  orders 
copies  of  Imperial  decrees,  rescripts,  and  papers  that 
have  been  presented  before  the  Imperial  Council  to 
be  placarded  upon  boards  every  morning  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  people.  These  papers  are  per- 
mitted to  be  printed  and  circulated,  but  without 
comment,  and,  as  was  to  be  expected,  constituted, 
before  the  advent  of  the  regular  newspaper,  the 
staple  news  and  almost  only  subject  of  discussion 
among  literary  men  throughout  the  Empire,  the 
veto  against  written  criticism  doubtless  giving  all 
the  greater  zest  to  criticism  by  the  living  voice. 

One  would  have  thought  that  the  next  step  would 
be  the  general  newspaper;  but,  as  in  the  case  of  sev- 
eral of  the  arts  and  inventions,  the  Chinese  seem  to 
have  been  suddenly  arrested  on  the  threshold  of  a 
great  discovery  and  forced  to  bide  their  time  until 
circumstances  bade  them  take  a fresh  departure. 
There  has,  however,  always  been  in  the  hands  of  the 
people,  through  the  anonymous  proclamation  and 
placard,  an  effective  instrument  by  which  popular 
wrongs  are  ventilated  and  the  objects  of  popular 
hatred  denounced.  During  times  like  those  of  the 
Franco-Chinese  and  Japanese  wars,  scjuibs  and  pas- 
quinades, written  with  endless  satiric  force  and  fun, 
were  freely  pa.ssed  from  one  to  another  ; and  illegal 
placards,  in  which  official  corruption  and  incapabil- 
ity are  exposed  to  the  indignant  people,  are  found  on 

230 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


many  a blank  wall.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
burning  and  looting  of  Shameen  by  the  Canton 
rowdies,  the  anti-Christian  riots  in  Hunan  instigated 
by  Chou  Han,  and  the  destruction  of  chapels.  Cath- 
olic and  Protestant,  in  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, were  caused  by  those  potent  though  irrespon- 
sible appeals.  Their  publication  is  evidence  of  a 
greatly  e.xcited  state  of  popular  feeling,  and  to  ig- 
nore their  power  in  Chinese  politics  would  be  a 
profound  mistake.  A single  placard  has  been 
known  to  suddenly  change  the  atdtude  of  a whole 
district  towards  foreigners. 

“ When  it  is  desired,”  Hue  says,  “ to  criticise  a Government,  to 
call  a mandarin  to  order,  and  show  him  that  the  people  are  dis- 
contented with  him,  the  placards  are  lively,  satirical,  cutting,  and 
full  of  sharp  and  witty  sallies . the  Roman  pasquinade  was  not  to 
be  compared  to  them.  They  are  posted  in  all  the  streets,  and 
especially  on  the  doors  of  the  tribunal  where  the  mandarin  lives 
who  is  to  be  held  up  to  public  malediction.  Crowds  assemble 
round  them,  they  are  read  aloud  in  a declamatory  tone,  while  a 
thousand  comments,  more  pitiless  and  severe  than  the  te.xt,  are 
poured  forth  on  all  sides,  amid  shouts  of  laughter.  ‘We  Chinese,’ 
they  say,  ‘print  whatever  we  like  — books,  pamphlets,  circulars, 
and  placards  — without  any  interference  from  Government.  We 
may  even  print  for  ourselves,  at  discretion,  provided  we  do  not 
find  it  too  troublesome,  and  have  money  enough  to  get  the  types 
carved.’  ” 


As  it  was  a combination  of  historical  and  other 
circumstances  that  led  to  the  successful  adoption  of 
the  discovery  of  Gutenberg  or  Faust  in  the  West, 
so  in  Far  Cathay  the  native  newspaper  is  the  out- 
come and  legitimate  result  of  foreign  intercourse 
and  of  the  moral  pressure  exerted,  often  uncon- 

231 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


sciously,  by  consular  agents,  merchants,  and  mis- 
sionaries who  have  resided  along  the  coast  since  the 
time  of  the  Treaty  of  Nanking.  Without  this  press- 
ure, and  without  the  mechanical  appliances  of  the 
foreigner,  the  native  Press  would  not  have  come  into 
existence.  One  difficulty  in  its  w'ay  was  the  Chinese 
method  of  printing  from  wooden  blocks,  employed  as 
early  as  a.d.  581.  This  was  practically  surmounted 
by  the  East  India  Company,  which  defrayed  the  cost 
of  casting  successfully  a font  of  movable  metallic 
type,  in  the  year  1815,  for  the  use  of  their  factory 
at  Macao,  but  more  particularly  for  the  printing  of 
Dr.  Morrison’s  invaluable  dictionaries,  and  other 
works  bearing  on  Chinese  subjects.  This  font 
was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1856.  It  is  said  that 
movable  metallic  types  were  made  in  China  and 
Japan  centuries  ago — as  far  back  as  a.d.  1040 — but 
they  were  articles  de  luxe,  not  intended  for  popular 
use.  The  cost  of  casting  fonts  of  movable  Chinese 
type  prevented  the  more  extended  use  of  what  has 
since  proved  to  be  a success.  The  task  of  provid- 
ing cheap  type  was  reserved  for  another  class  of 
men.  The  more  enlightened  missionary  bodies 
being  fully  alive  to  the  fact  that  most  of  the  grosser 
superstitions  of  the  Chinese  were  due  to  ignorance, 
to  an  incorrect  apprehension  of  “ natural  truth,” 
began,  soon  after  their  settlement  in  China,  to  issue 
works  of  useful  knowledge ; but  as  the  cutting  of 
blocks  and  printing  from  them  was  both  costly  and 
tedious,  not  to  mention  other  inconveniences  con- 
nected therewith,  means  had  to  be  devised  to  print 

232 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


from  metallic  type;  and  the  result  is  that,  through 
the  enterprise  of  British  and  American  missionaries, 
elegant  fonts  of  type  of  every  description  are  pro- 
duced by  electrotype  and  other  processes  with  ease 
and  cheapness,  in  every  way  suitable  for  the  purpose 
of  a daily  newspaper. 

As,  however,  every  governor  in  his  province,  in- 
deed every  prefect  in  his  department,  is  almost  an 
independent  satrap,  invested  with  vast  powers  to 
crush  any  attempt  at  independent  criticism  of  the 
acts  of  the  Imperial  or  the  local  Government — for 
such  a proceeding  is  against  the  letter  though  not 
the  spirit  of  Chinese  law  and  institutions^ — -some 
position  was  necessary  from  which  papers  could  be 
published  wuth  safety;  near  enough  to  be  sent  into 
the  Empire,  but  yet  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  its 
t^^^officers.*  Such  a position  was  found  in  our  colonies 
of  Hongkong  and  the  Straits  Settlements,  and  in 
the  foreign  concessions  at  Shanghai ; the  fact,  too, 
that  the  papers  were  in  many  cases  owned  by  for- 
eign capitalists  being  an  additional  element  of  se- 
curity. 

Such  are  the  successive  steps  that  have  accom- 
panied the  establishment  of  a native  Press,  in  our 
sense  of  the  term.  As  has  already  been  said,  the 

* In  discussing  the  native  Press  in  China,  Mr.  Curzon  says  in 
his  Problems  of  the  Far  East : “The  absence  of  party  politics  in 
China  is  itself  a discouragement  to  the  e.xistence  of  an  organized 
Press.  On  the  other  hand,  the  absence  of  such  a Press  is  a welcome 
preventive  to  the  dissemination  of  novel  or  revolutionary  ideas,  or 
to  the  spread  of  any  propaganda  at  which  the  Government  would 
look  askance.” 


233 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


newspaper,  from  the  first,  commended  itself  to  the 
people,  conservative  though  they  are  in  education 
and  character,  and  has  become  one  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life  to  every  intelligent  and  thoughtful 
native  at  the  treaty  ports  and  provincial  yamens, 
but  especially  at  Rangoon,  Singapore,  and  Saigon, 
and  in  California,  Peru,  Australia,  Cuba,  Mauritius 
— in  fact,  wherever  Chinamen  do  congregate. 

The  issue  of  the  first  independent  Chinese  news- 
paper, while  it  heralded  the  dawn  of  a brighter  day 
for  the  whole  Chinese  people,  held  out  hopes  espe- 
cially for  one  class  which  individually,  though  not 
collectively,  has  always  deserved  our  sympathy — 
the  disappointed  “ scholars  of  fortune.”  These  men 
collectively  constitute  the  “ literati,”  a class  that 
wields  enormous  power  in  virtue  of  the  deference 
spontaneously  accorded  to  letters,  and  of  its  being 
socially  at  the  head  of  the  four  classes — namely, 
scholars,  farmers,  artisans,  and  merchants  — into 
which  the  population  of  the  Empire  is  divided. 
Impecunious  though  they  generall}^  are,  they  are 
still  able  to  wield  with  effect  the  power  thus  placed 
in  their  hands — a power  that  has  been  likened,  and 
with  some  truth,  to  the  influence  exerted  by  the 
squirarchy  and  country  clergy  in  Britain  before 
Reform  Acts  disturbed  the  repose  of  rural  parishes. 
When  all  the  possibilities  of  the  newspaper  Press 
dawn  upon  the  minds  of  this  hungry  horde  of 
educated  paupers,  this  poverty-stricken,  restless,  in- 
tellectual class,  who  is  there  dare  venture  to  foretell 
the  results  upon  an  active  and  inquisitive  race  like 

234 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


the  Chinese?  It  seems  likely  that  the  story  of  the 
Japanese  nativ^e  Press  will  be  again  repeated,  but 
with  a power  in  direct  ratio  to  the  vastly  greater 
forces  that  are  sure  to  be  exerted  in  China.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  after  the  abolition  of  the  feudal 
system  in  Japan  thousands  of  the  lieutenants  and 
retainers  of  the  Daimios,  the  very  flower  of  the  in- 
tellect, the  pick  of  the  prowess  of  the  country,  un- 
able to  procure  employment  under  the  altered  con- 
ditions violently  introduced  by  the  new  system, 
found  themselves  homeless  and  helpless.  They 
could  not  dig,  to  beg  they  were  ashamed.  The 
native  Press,  brought  into  existence  with  the  Res- 
toration, was  a God -sent  gift  to  such  men.  Old 
Samurai  of  bluest  blood,  who  had  lived  lives  of 
lettered  ease  in  feudal  castles,  wielded  the  pen  in 
the  editor’s  sanctum ; and  swordsmen,  who  had 
made  stand  with  their  lord  for  Mikado  or  Shogun, 
now  stood  at  the  composing-case  and  printing-press, 
admitting  and  permitting  no  loss  of  dignity,  con- 
scious that  they  were  working,  as  of  yore,  for  the 
glory  and  advancement  of  Dai  Nippon.  It  was  a 
wonderful  revolution,  of  which  only  some  of  the 
results  are  as  yet  apparent.  So  may  it  be  in  the 
slow  but  certain  revolution  which  the  forces  of 
modern  civilization  are  effecting  in  China,  though 
the  results  may  be  very  different. 

The  number  of  literary  men,  graduates,  aspirants 
for  offlce,  who,  out  at  elbow,  throng  every  city  and 
village — some  years  ago  there  were  at  Lanchau,  in 
Kansu,  nearly  a thousand  such  “ expectants  ” — will, 

235 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


it  is  to  be  hoped,  find  in  journalism  something  more 
useful,  more  honorable,  and  more  conducive  to  self- 
respect  than  writing  odes  on  fans  or  composing 
scrolls  for  some  native  Maecenas.  And  as,  while 
waiting  for  office,  they  constitute  the  unrecognized 
Opposition,  and  by  far  the  ablest  critics  of  those 
in  office,  the  newspapers  will  afford  them  an  open- 
ing for  their  talents  and  energies,  and  an  unfailing 
means  of  criticising  measures  before  they  have  been 
confirmed  for  good  or  evil  and  have  passed  beyond 
recall.  Such  action  is  quite  in  harmony  with  ex- 
isting Chinese  institutions,  and  is  merely  a popular 
extension  of  what  has  obtained  in  China  for  as;es. 
And  here  the  mind  recurs  not  merely  to  Confucius 
and  Mencius,  who  are  nothing  if  not  political  critics, 
but  to  the  College  of  Censors,  their  legitimate  de- 
scendants, from  whose  animadversions  the  Emperor 
himself  is  not  free.  It  may  be  expected  that  a 
growing  public  opinion  will  hedge  in  these  journal- 
ists with  privileges,  as  the  Government  have  fully 
recognized  the  prerogatives  of  the  Censorate ; but 
only  so  long  as  literary  ability  is  applied  to  public 
and  moral  ends,  and  to  the  support  and  reform  of 
existing  institutions,  will  it  find  countenance.  The 
time  for  liberal  ideas  and  the  spontaneous  adoption 
of  other  reforms  of  government,  on  Western  or  re- 
publican lines,  is  yet  to  come.  If  China  had  only 
been  permitted  to  work  out  her  salvation  in  her 
own  way,  under  the  tutelage  of  the  free  English- 
speaking  races,  she  might,  in  the  course  of  time, 
have  adopted  as  much  of  our  systems  as  could  be 

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incorporated  into  her  own  without  obliterating  her 
individuality. 

It  has  been  my  endeavor  to  indicate  the  possi- 
bilities open  to  newspaper  enterprise  in  the  vast 
field  of  China  as  soon  as  the  people  may  be  able  to 
override  the  high-handed  proceedings  of  the  man- 
darins, and  to  insist  that  this  growth  of  freedom 
should  be  directly  grafted  on  a plant  grown  on 
Chinese  soil.  That  a Chinese  Press  would,  if  alto- 
gether left  to  itself,  be  moral  in  tone,  and  endeavor 
to  elevate  the  people,  might  be  assumed  from  the 
almost  unsullied  purity  of  Chinese  classic  literature 
from  the  days  of  Confucius  to  the  present  time  ; but 
the  street  literature,  it  must  be  confessed,  hardly  jus- 
tifies this  assumption.  The  influence  of  the  “ liter- 
ati,” and  particularly  the  attitude  of  the  Censorate, 
have  been  alluded  to  elsewhere,  and  the  episode 
there  cited,  that  between  the  celebrated  Censor 
Sung  and  the  Emperor  Kiaking,  shows  that  even 
censors  may  be  bold,  and  at  the  risk  of  life,  and  that 
outspoken  criticism  will  always  exist.  

Apart  from  local  intelligence,  advertisements,  and 
other  items,  we  may  divide  the  contents  of  native 
papers  into  four  chief  divisions:  articles  on  purely 
Chinese  affairs ; leaders  on  international  relations, 
and,  if  there  be  a war  on  hand,  of  course  also  war 
news ; translations  from  the  foreign  Press ; and 
precis  from  the  Peking  and  provincial  Gazettes. 
Considered  as  a whole,  they  are  truly  strange  amal- 
gams of  ancient  political  and  philosophical  maxims 
and  curiously  distorted  statements  of  modern  facts. 


237 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


reflecting  closely,  indeed,  the  Chinese  method  of 
dealing  with  matters — accepting  words  for  facts,  the 
shadow  for  the  substance.  y 

It  is,  however,  in  criticism  of  purely  native  affairs 
that  the  Chinese  journalist  is  at  his  best,  that  his 
previous  training  tells,  that  he  is  on  solid  ground. 
As  his  readers,  like  himself,  have  read  the  very 
same  books,  in  the  very  same  order,  elucidated  by 
the  very  same  orthodox  commentators,  the  writer 
can  easily  sway  their  minds  by  reference  to  the  well- 
known  but  never-worn-out  principles  laid  down  by 
the  Sages,  according  to  which  kings  reign  and 
princes  decree  justice.  He  appeals  frequently,  in- 
deed almost  in  every  passage,  to  the  teachings  of 
history,  stimulating  his  readers’  feelings  by  calling 
to  witness  their  long  line  of  ancestors  who  have  dis- 
tinguished themselves  in  a not  inglorious  past. 

From  a literary  point  of  view  these  articles  are 
the  most  valuable,  as  they  are  the  most  difficult,  part 
of  the  paper.  The  simplex  mundiiiis,  the  simple  ele- 
gance of  the  classics,  is  the  point  aimed  at.  The 
theme  of  an  able  Chinese  literary  man,  by  means 
of  the  monosyllabic  form  of  the  language  and  its 
ideographic  writing,  acquires  a concentrated  energy 
exceedingly  difficult  to  describe,  indeed  impossible 
to  convey  to  the  Western  mind,  appealing,  as  it  does, 
to  the  eye,  the  ear,  and  the  intellect.  Chinese  prose 
style  sparkles  with  epigram,  antitheses,  and  the 
other  figures  of  speech  depending  on  brevity  for 
their  force.  It  abounds  with  ctiriosa  felicitas ; and 
nothing  delights  writer  and  reader  more  than  the 

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suggested  quotation  aptly  hidden  in  the  text,  just 
apparent  enough  to  give  a delicate  archaic  aroma 
to  the  period.  As  Mr.  Stewart  Lockhart  states  in 
his  Ma7iual  of  Chinese  Quotations : 


“ One  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  written  language  of 
China  is  its  love  of  quotation.  The  more  frequently  and  aptly  a 
Chinese  writer  employs  literary  allusions,  the  more  is  his  style 
admired.  Among  the  Chinese  it  might  almost  be  said  that  style 
is  quotation.  With  them  to  quote  is  one  of  the  first  canons  of 
literary  art,  and  a Chinese  who  cannot  introduce  even  into  his 
ordinary  compositions  phrases  borrowed  from  the  records  of  the 
past  might  as  v/ell  try  to  lay  claim  to  literary  attainments  as  a 
European  unable  to  spell  correctly  or  to  write  grammatically. 
Letters  on  the  most  common  subjects,  and  newspaper  paragraphs 
detailing  ordinary  items  of  intelligence,  are  seldom  written  without 
the  introduction  of  quotations,  and,  if  these  quotations  are  not 
understood,  it  is  impossible  to  grasp  the  meaning  of  the  writer.” 


And  what  have  been  the  practical  results  of  all 
the  newspaper  criticism  of  the  officials.?  At  first 
the  mandarins  by  no  means  liked  this  outspoken 
expression  of  opinion,  and  it  took  them  rather  by 
surprise  to  find  their  acts,  hitherto  above  open  criti- 
cism, subjected  to  hostile  comment.  The  newspaper, 
much  to  the  chao-rin  of  the  hanq-ers-on  about  the 
yamen,  was  at  first  forbidden;  but  when  the  great 
man  learned  that  his  brother  j^refect  in  the  adjacent 
department  was  also  coming  in  for  a share  of  the 
lash,  under  which  he  himself  had  been  writhing, 
curiosity  and  the  appreciation  of  the  misfortune  of 
one’s  friends  got  the  better  of  dignity,  and  the  paper 

was  restored — and  there  it  still  remains.  

The  history  of  the  Shcn  Pao,  or  the  Shanghai 

239 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Gazette,  started  in  1870,  is  instructive.  This,  the 
leading  native  paper  in  China,  has  distinguished  it- 
self in  successfully  exposing  official  abuse.  It  has 
spoken  out  manfully  against  torture,  no  matter  by 
whom  inflicted,  whether  by  high-placed  mandarin  or 
underling  of  low  degree;  and,  more  than  this,  it  has 
succeeded  in  securing  the  reversal  of  unjust  decrees 
of  provincial  governors  by  the  supreme  authorities 
at  Peking,  in  spite  of  the  eticpiette  and  dilatoriness 
of  Chinese  law,  and,  above  all,  of  the  obstructiveness 
at  the  capital  of  the  friends  of  the  officers  attacked, 
for  every  official  has  his  band  of  friends — they  are 
necessary  to  his  existence.  In  another  direction  it 
did  excellent  work  in  encouraging  liberality  by  pub- 
lishing the  names  of  the  donors  to  relief  funds,  as, 
for  instance,  when  the  famine  ravaged  the  provinces 
of  Chihli  and  Shantung,  and  on  other  similar  occa- 
sions. During  the  twenty-six  years  of  its  existence 
it  has  shown  the  way  to  many  reforms,  and  by 
means  of  its  ability  and  independence  has  acquired 
a comparatively  large  circulation,  attaining  to  a 
position  of  real  influence  unequalled  by  any  other 
native  paper. 

It  has  not,  however,  been  all  plain  sailing  with 
the  Shell  Pao.  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
suppress  or  ruin  it  by  subsidizing  official  rivals,  but 
in  vain.  A special  effort  was  made  by  the  Governor 
of  the  Chekiang  Province,  who  had  been  attacked 
in  the  paper  for  being  involved  in  a disgraceful  case 
of  judicial  murder.  He  appealed  to  Prince  Rung, 
then  head  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  to  suppress  it. 


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The  Prince’s  reply  was  a snub  to  the  Governor  and 
a vindication  of  the  raison  d'etre  of  the  paper.  He 
intimated  that  it  was  rather  a ticklish  thing  for  him 
to  deal  with  a foreign-owned  concern  published  in  a 
foreign  settlement;  and  pertinently  added,  “We 
rather  like  to  read  it  in  Peking.”  It  is  an  open  se- 
cret, too,  that  in  the  recesses  of  the  Forbidden  Palace 
the  Empress  Regent,  than  whom  few  abler  women 
exist,  and  the  higher  Court  functionaries,  partake  of  ; 
this  “forbidden  fruit”  from  the  tree  of  knowledge. 

The  native  papers  in  Hongkong  have  been  exert- 
ing a similar  though  a far  inferior  influence  in  south 
China.  The  Tsiin-Wan  Yat-Po,  or  Universal  Cir- 
eiclating  Herald,  while  under  the  editorship  of  the 
Chinese  “ teacher  ” Dr.  Legge,  late  Professor  of  Chi- 
nese at  Oxford,  was  remarkable  for  the  emphatic 
and  almost  savage  way  in  which  it  attacked  official 
abuse  and  misconduct.  - — v 

Reform  is  steadily  making  its  way  by  means  of  I 
the  Press,  directed  by  the  right  class,  the  younger  [ 
educated  men.  When  the  Reform  Club  was  closed 
at  Peking  in  the  winter  of  1895-96,  the  spirit  of  re- 
form, which  exists  in  China  as  elsewhere,  had  not 
been  killed,  as  was  assumed ; it  had  merely  been 
scotched.  Suppressed  at  Peking,  the  leaders  moved 
their  headquarters  to  Shanghai,  where  an  active 
propaganda  is  conducted,  chiefly  by  means  of  a 
magazine  entitled  Chinese  Progress.  Until  recently 
published  every  ten  days,  this  journal  is  about  to 
become  a daily  paper.  It  commands  a large  staff 
of  writers,  and  is  supported  by  some  three  hundred 
Q 


241 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


students,  and  eighty  benevolent  societies  pledged  to 
support  the  reform  movement.  Nor  is  this  support 
merely  from  the  younger  and  non-official  classes ; 
even  viceroys  and  lesser  officials  subsidize  the  society 
by  subscriptions  and  letters  of  recommendation,  not 
always,  it  is  true,  without  some  ulterior  motive,  for 
there  is  such  a thing,  or  will  be,  as  “capturing”  the 
Press  in  China.  The  tiny  paper  of  earlier  days, 
with  its  four  narrow  pages,  has  already  grown  into 
thirty  broad  leaves,  with  a circulation  of  ten  thousand 
throughout  the  provinces,  as  against  the  former  edi- 
tion of  one  thousand  chiefly  sold  at  the  capital. 
Besides  Chinese  Progress,  there  are  in  Shanghai 
alone  no  fewer  than  twenty  secular  magazines  and 
papers,  while  before  the  Chino-Japanese  war  there 
were  only  four.  The  reform  movement  has  four 
branch  centres — in  Macao,  Hunan,  Szechuan,  and 
Kiangsi. 

In  their  treatment  of  international  questions  and 
of  matters  connected  with  the  Franco-Chinese  and 
Japanese  wars,  the  writers  of  native  papers  are  seen 
at  their  worst.  Here  it  is  that  their  insufferable 
literary  conceit,  which  begets  in  them  a contempt 
for  everything  outside  their  own  literature,  stands 
in  the  way  of  progress.  Refusing  to  recognize  the 
altered  conditions  around  them,  and  shutting  their 
eyes  to  what  has  been  actually  accomplished  within 
their  own  borders,  many  of  them  continue  to  treat 
any  matter  in  which  foreign  interests  are  concerned 
as  if  no  foreigner  had  permanently  settled  along 
their  coast-line — as  if  China,  s-ecure  in  its  isolation, 


2 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


were  still  the  suzerain  of  all  the  many  lands  once 
hers.  Incredible  as  it  may  seem,  the  British  colony 
of  Hongkong,  even  in  1898,  is  still  marked  in  many 
Chinese  maps  as  part  of  the  Empire  of  China. 

In  the  Franco  - Chinese  campaign  of  1884  the 
French  were  considered  merely  “outside  intruders” 
or  filibusters  egging  on  traitorous  Tongkingese 
vassals  to  rebellion,  and  in  the  Chino-Japanese  war 
the  Japanese  were  the  “little  dwarfs”  attacking  the 
Chinese  “ Goliath,”  and  were  to  be  driven  into  the 
sea  at  one  fell  swoop  of  the  Chinese  army.  The 
British  are  still  commonly  known  as  “ the  red-furred 
devils,”  while  Europeans  generally  are  termed  Ktiei 
Tszc,  “ devils.” 

The  military  tactics  recommended  to  Chinese 
generals  are  to  this  day  abstracted  from  works  of 
a thousand  years  ago — while  archers  were  still  effec- 
tive soldiers  — when  not  borrowed  from  the  alto- 
gether impossible  “stratagems”  (on  a par  with  the 
Trojan  horse)  of  the  heroes  of  the  remotest  antiq- 
uity. The  attitude  of  the  Chinese  Press  in  time  of 
war  is  one  of  uncompromising  chauvinism,  which 
neither  disaster  nor  incapacity  seems  to  modify.  It 
may  be  merely  an  easy  method  of  earning  a reputa- 
tion for  patriotism,  or  it  may  arise  from  a desire  to 
“save  face”  — that  universal  trait  of  the  Chinese 
character,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances — 
but  probably  there  is  a complexity  of  causes  to  ac- 
count for  it.  How  was  the  Franco  - Chinese  war 
fever  kept  alive  ? Both  newspapers  and  officials 
concealed  the  truth  and  pandered  to  the  popular 

243 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


taste.  They  described  battles  — always  a pet  sub- 
ject with  literary  men  in  China,  as  elsewhere — that 
had  never  been  fought ; they  sang  paeans  of  con- 
gratulation over  victories  that  were  never  won  ; and 
illustrations  of  the  audacious  “ barbarians  ” being 
driven  back  pell-mell  at  the  point  of  the  Chinese 
trident  were  widely  circulated  among  eager  pur- 
chasers. They  raised  enough  fervor  of  patriotic  en- 
thusiasm to  make  it  dangerous  for  a Chinaman  to 
even  hint  at  the  possibility  of  victory  being  on  the 
other  side.  The  populace  were  unanimous  in  allow- 
ing themselves  to  be  fooled  — they  seemed  to  like 
the  process.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Press,  in 
1884,  a patriotic  fund  was  established  to  be  sub- 
scribed to  by  Chinese  emigrants  over-sea.  Large 
sums  were  at  once  raised  from  men  who  had  already 
contributed  to  war  expenses  through  the  representa- 
tives of  their  clans  in  the  villages  of  their  own 
country.  From  Cuba  and  Peru  and  elsewhere  con- 
tributions came  pouring  in  from  those  who  were  the 
survivals  of  the  fittest  of  the  nefarious  and  despised 
“coolie  trade.”*  The  rich  “companies”  of  San 
Francisco  also  subscribed  most  liberally  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  Canton  Province.  The  editors  were 
not  slow  in  driving  home  the  lesson.  “ These  men,” 
wrote  one,  “ have  encountered  the  wind  and  waves 
for  thousands  of  li  to  earn  a living  in  a foreign  land. 
Yet  when  they  hear  that  their  country  is  involved  in 
war,  intolerant  of  delay,  they  at  once  raised  a sub- 


See  Chapter  XII. 

244 


THE  NATIVE  PRESS 


scription  to  aid  the  Government  and  assist  the  reve- 
nue. Alas!  when  men  living  outside  the  border- 
line act  in  this  way,  what  should  we  do  that  live 
within  the  country  itself.^  We  respectfully  write 
this  appeal,  urging  all  public-spirited  men  to  go  and 
do  likewise.”  “ I should  add  that  there  is  no  decep- 
tion,” continues  the  writer,  “as  to  the  amounts,  as 
the  list  of  donors  is  published,  and  the  committee  of 
management  are  all  honorable  men.”  Not  only  did 
the  editors  do  their  best  in  sober  prose  to  stir  up  the 
war  feeling,  but  the  aid  of  song  was  also  invoked, 
one  of  the  poets  being  no  less  a personage  than  a 
CO  mi  m an  d e r-  i n-ch  i ef . 

In  international  questions  the  Chinese  editor  relies 
on  the  sentiments  of  foreign  papers.  Articles  on 
contrabrand,  blockades,  duties  of  neutrals,  and  so 
forth,  can  all,  as  a rule,  be  traced  to  a foreign  source. 
The  opinions  of  the  Twies  during  the  Franco-Chi- 
nese  and  Chino-Japanese  wars  were  well  known,  and 
were  referred  to  with  respect,  our  newspapers  gen- 
erally being  alluded  to  as  “Western  friend” — the 
equivalent  of  “our  contemporary.”  It  is  in  the  de- 
partment of  the  paper  dealing  with  foreign  matters 
that  grave  mistakes  are  made,  mainly  through  the 
sheer  ignorance  of  the  translators,  who  are  too  often 
incompetent  for  their  posts.  Except  the  Shen  Pao, 
and  one  or  two  other  papers  which  have  a foreigner 
to  advise  on  all  foreign  questions,  the  translations  on 
which  the  editor  bases  his  “ leaders  ” are  made,  for 
the  most  part,  by  English-speaking  Chinese  who 
have  never  been  out  of  China.  Their  ideas  of  thines 

' O 

245 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


foreign  are  inaccurate,  but  not  quite  so  inaccurate, 
perhaps,  as  many  of  our  ideas  regarding  matters 
Chinese.  The  newspaper  translator  handles  the 
most  abstruse  and  delicate  subjects,  those  requiring 
special  knowledge,  with  the  utmost  assurance,  and 
as  he  sees  most  things  through  the  spectacles  of  his 
own  prejudice,  the  accuracy  and  value  of  the  transla- 
tion may  be  estimated.  The  less  conceited  carefully 
omit  difficulties  altogether  and  confine  themselves 
to  what  is  plain  sailing. 

Some  of  the  high  officials  are  fully  aware  of  the 
unreliability  of  native  newspaper  accounts  of  foreign 
affairs,  and  have  engaged  more  competent  transla- 
tors to  give  them  the  news  direct  from  the  English 
Press.  On  the  whole,  there  is  some  improvement 
in  the  native  Press;  and,  as  the  Chinese  now  know 
that  there  is  money  to  be  made  through  a successful 
newspaper,  it  may  be  anticipated  that  ere  long,  when 
communications  open  the  country,  the  better-class 
papers  will  engage  foreigners  to  advise  on  foreign 
affairs.  Telegraphic  information  is  “conveyed” 
from  their  “Western  friends,”  though  not  infrequent- 
ly Chinese  versions  of  foreign  affairs  are  written  by 
secretaries  or  hangers-on  of  the  yamens,  who  in- 
crease their  scanty  pay  by  forwarding  their  render- 
ing of  some  telegram  to  the  papers  in  Shanghai  or 
H ono-konsr. 

o o 


Along  the  upper  border  of  the  newspapers,  whe 
in  the  West  is  placed  the  title  and  date,  is  written 
the  exhortation,  “ Please  respect  written  paper,  the 
merit  is  boundless  ” — an  exhortation  always  heeded. 


246 


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for  papers  are  carefully  filed  in  shop  and  office,  and 
are  read  and  reread  until  at  last  they  almost  fall  to 
pieces.  Then  comes  the  man  from  the  society  that 
makes  written  paper  its  special  care — for  there  is  in 
China  a society  for  this,  as  for  everything  else  under 
the  sun — and  takes  away  the  well-thumbed  printed 
rags  and  tatters,  to  be  reverently  burned  in  a cre- 
matorium attached  to  the  JVeu  MiaOy  the  Literary 
Temple.  These  usages  are  mentioned  as  instances 
of  the  delicate  regard  of  the  Chinese  for  their  sacred 
letters.  The  native  news-sheet,  though  printed  on 
paper  with  foreign  appliances,  already  receives 
welcome  wherever  it  goes  in  China. 

What  will  be  the  evolution  of  the  native  Press  in 
China  it  would  be  rash  to  prophesy.  It  may  yet 
rouse  a nation  which  has  been  too  long  under  the 
spell  of  the  dead  hand  and  the  dead  brain  ; may 
teach  it  to  break  away,  not  from  the  characteristics 
stamped  on  them  by  nature  and  environment,  but 
from  the  benumbing  conservatism  which  has  suc- 
ceeded so  long  in  preventing  the  progress  of  liberal- 
ism ; may  teach  the  people  to  understand  that  there 
is  an  intellectual  and  moral  life  more  active  and 
more  restless  than  their  own ; may  teach  the  most 
literary  nation  in  the  whole  world — too  long  spell- 
bound by  past  great  names  and  great  reputations — 
to  at  last  think  for  itself.  And  when  such  a nation 
once  begins  to  think — ! 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  Chinese,  and 
their  social  characteristics,  have  employed  many 
pens  and  many  tongues,  and  will  continue  to  furnish 
an  inexhaustible  field  for  students  of  sociology,  of 
religion,  of  philosophy,  of  civilization,  for  centuries 
to  come.  Such  studies,  however,  scarcely  touch  the 
province  of  the  practical,  at  least  as  yet,  for  one 
principal  reason — that  the  subject  is  so  vast,  the  data 
are  so  infinite,  as  to  overwhelm  the  student  rather 
than  assist  him  to  sound  generalizations.  Writers 
on  this  theme  may  be  classified  more  easily  than  the 
subjects  on  which  they  write.  Two  groups  at  least, 
are  sufficiently  distinct  to  admit  of  being  labelled — 
the  censorious  and  the  picturesque.  Both  approach 
Chinese  portraiture  with  a bias  which  distorts  their 
pictures.  The  one  set  go  up  and  down  among  this 
great  people  with  a Diogenes  lantern,  and  fail  to 
find  any  good  thing  in  them.  They  are  weighed  in 
the  balance  against  other  nations,  notably  the  Japan- 
ese, and  are  found  wanting.*  Their  virtues  are  vices, 

* “The  sickly  praises  lavished  by  passing  travellers  upon  Japan 
and  her  fitful  civilizations  ; the  odious  comparisons  drawn  by  super- 
ficial observers  to  the  disparagement  of  China,  of  her  slowly  chang- 

248 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


their  customs  odious,  their  religions  abomination, 
and  all  their  practices  brand  them  as  a lost  race. 
These  catalogues  of  vileness  recall  a class  of  adver- 

O 

tisements  now  very  common,  which  from  a tale  of 
unutterable  woe  lead  up  to  a sovereign  remedy. 

The  second  class  of  writers  seek,  legitimately 
enough  for  their  own  purpose,  to  catch  the  excres- 
cences of  Chinese  life,  with  a view  to  caricature, 
and  through  their  exertions  the  European  public  is 
possessed  of  a series  of  impressions  which,  though 
true  in  themselves,  are  out  of  setting,  and,  for  want 
of  a natural  background,  constitute  distorted  pict- 
ures. A few  philosophical  observers  like  Sir  John 
Davis  and  Taylor  Meadows  address  serious  readers, 
but  are  little  known,  though  they  are  most  authentic. 
The  Abbe  Hue  touched  with  an  artist’s  pen  the 
dry  bones  and  made  them  live.  Dr.  Williamson  has 
left  us  many  sound  and  practical  observations.  But 
the  reading  public  of  our  day  are  chiefly  indebted  to 
the  two  American  missionary  writers,  Justus  Doo- 
little and  Arthur  H.  Smith,  for  the  most  laudable 
attempts  to  cover  the  whole  range  of  Chinese  life, 
the  one  relating  with  great  circumstantiality  of  de- 
tail the  social  customs  of  the  Chinese,  and  the  other 
their  moral  and  mental  characteristics.  That  these 
two  conscientious  writers  have  done  their  best  to 
repress  natural  prejudices  cannot  be  doubted ; and 

ing  institutions,  and  of  her  massive  national  characteristics ; these 
are  gall  and  wormwood  to  all  who  know  under  whose  tuition  it  was 
that  Japan  first  learned  to  read,  to  write,  and  to  think.” — Gems  of 
Chinese  Literature,  by  Heruert  A.  Giles. 

249 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


that  one  of  them  has  succeeded,  at  least  in  his  second 
edition,  may  be  readily  admitted,  which  is  the  more 
creditable  since  it  is  obvious  that  the  very  raison 
d'etre  of  the  Christian  missionary  would  be  gone  if 
the  Chinese  were  acknowledged  to  be  a nation  of 
exemplary  livers ; for  they  that  are  whole  need  not 
the  physician.  One  may  specially  commend  Mr. 
Smith  as  at  once  terse  and  fascinating,  calm  and 
cultured — his  modest  volume*  bears  the  impress  of 
accurate  original  observation  in  every  line.  Readers 
whose  tastes  incline  them  to  follow  up  this  interesting 
subject  will  thus  find  abundant  food  for  reflection  in 
the  recorded  observations  of  a host  of  writers,  from 
the  early  Jesuits,  whose  works  have  borne  the  test 
of  two  or  three  centuries  of  subsequent  experience, 
down  to  the  shoal  of  ephemeral  paragraphists  and 
photographers  of  our  own  day.  This  is  not  the 
place,  either  for  abridged  discussion  or  for  summa- 
rizing conclusions  on  questions  which  do  not  fall 
within  the  scope  of  the  present  volume.  Only  one 
observation  need  be  made,  which  ought  to  be  borne 
in  mind,  alike  in  judging  of  their  traditional  customs 
and  of  their  potential  efficiency  in  the  life  of  to-day. 
The  two  orreat  facts  which  differentiate  the  Chinese 

O 

from  every  other  people  of  whom  we  have  any 
knowledge  are  their  unprecedented  duration.  With- 
out discussing  the  causes  of  one  or  the  other  feat- 
ure, the  bare  facts  are  there,  staring  us  in  the 
face,  and  they  surely  explain  much  that  strikes  the 


Chinese  Characteristics.  Kegan  Paul.  1895. 
250 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


foreigner  as  paradoxical.  There  has  never  been 
any  such  accumulated  experience  in  the  world’s  his- 
tory ; never  such  accumulation  of  custom,  of  cere- 
monial, of  superstition.  The  early  contemporaries 
of  China  have  all  fallen  to  pieces,  some  of  them 
many  times,  and  the  continuity  of  tradition  has  been 
broken.  But  if  we,  instead  of  gathering  their  social 
history  painfully  from  potsherds  or  paintings  on 
tombs,  or  their  religion  from  survivals  of  poetical 
mythology,  found  tlie  Assyrians,  Babylonians,  an- 
cient Egyptians,  and  ancient  Greeks  alive  at  the 
present  day,  should  we  not  expect  to  find  the  same 
maze  of  folk-lore  as  in  China,  the  same  confused 
and  contradictory  superstitions,  layer  upon  layer, 
survivals  from  the  oldest  mingling  with  the  newest 
accretions.^  The  product  resulting  from  duration 
multiplied  by  numbers  must  be  immense,  and  if  to 
that  we  add  a third  factor,  isolation,  we  have  no 
right  to  be  surprised  either  at  the  complex  charac- 
ter of  Chinese  civilization  or  at  its  peculiarly  con- 
servative form.  Indeed,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  cause  of  the  long  life  of  the  nation  has  probably 
also  been  the  cause  of  its  crystallization.  And  that 
is  what  gives  so  hazardous  a character  to  all  innova- 
tions forced  on  China  from  without. 

Leaving  aside,  for  the  moment,  all  these  specu- 
lative questions,  it  may  be  profitable  and  practica- 
ble to  consider  in  what  relation  the  Chinese  people 
stand  to  the  outward  and  workaday  world  of  our 
own  time.  What  part  are  they  capable  of  playing 
in  the  drama  of  mechanical  progress,  in  which  they 

251 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


are  left  no  option  but  to  join?  To  arrive  at  a just 
opinion  on  this  subject,  it  will  be  better  to  consider 
the  Chinese  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  likeness 
to  ourselves,  rather  than  from  that  of  their  unlike- 
ness, which  is  the  picturesque  view.  No  nation  can 
be  fairly  judged  by  its  books,  for  there  will  always 
be  a gulf  fixed  between  aspiration  and  achievement, 
between  the  maxims  of  tlie  study  and  the  manners 
of  the  forum.  For  practical  purposes  we  must  take 
the  Chinaman  of  real  life,  of  active  life.  We  have 
known  him  intimately  for  about  sixty  years  — a 
cycle  of  Cathay  — and  can  speak  of  his  doings,  if 
not  of  his  thinkings.  His  predominant  quality, that 
which  marks  the  Chinese,  as  a race,  whether  at 
home  or  abroad,  is  beyond  doubt  his  industry.  He 
has  almost  a passion  for  labor:  in  search  of  it  he 
compasses  sea  and  land.  He  seems  born  to  be  the 
hewer  of  wood  and  the  drawer  of  water  for  human- 
ity, but  not  as  a slave.  The  Chinaman  is  always  a 
merchant,  and  sells  his  labor  for  a price.  In  those 
countries  where  the  race  is  persecuted  it  is  his  in- 
dustry which  offends,  because  it  competes  with  the 
more  desultory  work  of  white  men,  who  deem  them- 
selves entitled  to  dissipate  half  their  time.  Com- 
bined with  the  appetite  for  hard  work  the  China- 
man has  two  highly  important  qualities  — docility 
and  temperance.  The  latter  enables  him  to  profit 
by  a double  economy — that  of  time  and  that  of 
money;  the  former  enables  him  to  “stoop  to  con- 
quer.” There  is,  indeed,  no  end  to  his  patience. 
He  is  content  to  exploit  worked-out  claims  for  an 

252 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


infinitesimal  gain,  and  as  ready  to  be  kicked  out 
whenever  it  pleases  his  superior  white  brother  to 
come  along  and  “jump”  them.  A valuable  agent 
is  the  Chinaman,  therefore,  for  sweeping  up  the 
“tailings”  of  human  industry.  He  demands  no 
comfort,  still  less  luxury ; but  though  he  can  do 
with  rough  and  scanty  fare,  he  never  starves  his 
body  when  he  can  afford  nutritious  and  well-cooked 
food.  For  sentinient,  as  we  understand  the  term, 
the  Chinaman  has  no  sympathy.  His  outward  life 
is  conducted  on  a “ cash  basis,”  so  much  so  that 
when  wages  are  very  low  he  will  sometimes  strike  a 
balance  between  work  and  food,  calculating  that,  as 
a certain  amount  of  exertion  will  necessitate  so 
much  food,  the  game  may  not  always  be  worth  the 
candle.  He  works  outrageously  long  hours  with 
very  moderate  inducement;  the  clink  of  the  arti- 
san’s hammer  and  the  whir  of  the  spindle  are 
heard  in  the  streets  at  all  hours  of  the  night,  and 
the  dawn  finds  the  laborer  already  at  work.  The 
faculty  of  endurance  and  of  patience  is  well  evinced 
to  foreigners  in  such  occupations  as  domestic  ser- 
vice and  nursing,  in  both  of  which  capacities  the 
Chinaman  excels.  However  late  the  master  or 
mistress  may  come  home,  the  servants  are  in  wait- 
ing, and  are  as  ready  for  a call  in  the  early  morning 
as  if  they  had  had  twelve  hours’  good  sleep.  As 
nurses,  Chinamen  are  quiet,  light-handed,  and  inde- 
fatigable : no  need,  with  them,  to  reckon  day  and 
night  shifts;  such  snatches  of  sleep  as  can  be  picked 
up  at  odd  moments  satisfy  them. 

253 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


In  addition  to  robust  muscularity  the  Chinese 
physique  is  endowed  with  great  refinement.  Their 
hands  and  feet  are  well  made,  and  their  fingers  are 
remarkable  for  suppleness  and  delicacy  of  touch. 
Their  skill  in  the  minutest  kinds  of  handicraft,  such 
as  intricate  carving  in  wood  or  ivory,  miniature 
painting,  and  fine  embroidery,  are  well  known,  and 
when  European  manufactures  are  introduced  into 
China  they  will  find  no  lack  of  the  manual  dexterity 
needed  for  the  most  delicate  productions.  Ample 
experience  has  shown  the  aptitude  of  Chinese  arti- 
sans and  mechanicians  to  fabricate  in  wood  and 
metal  and  to  become  experts  in  the  use  of  labor- 
saving  machinery.  Not  only  in  workshops  and 
building-yards  has  the  skill  of  their  artificers  been 
tested  and  approved,  but  in  the  responsible  positions 
of  engine-drivers  on  steamboats  and  locomotives  the 
Chinese,  under  proper  training,  are  found  to  answer 
all  requirements. 

The  intellectual  capacity  of  the  Chinese  may  rank 
with  the  best  in  Western  countries.  Their  own  lit- 
erary studies,  in  which  memory  plays  the  important 
part,  prove  the  nation  to  be  capable  of  prodigious 
achievements  in  that  direction.  It  is  stated  in 
Macaulay’s  Life  that  had  “ Paradise  Lost  ” been 
destroyed  he  could  have  reproduced  it  from  mem- 
ory. But  even  such  a power  of  memory  as  he 
possessed  is  small  compared  with  that  of  many  Chi- 
nese, who  can  repeat  by  heart  all  the  thirteen  clas- 
sics ; and  it  is  as  nothing  to  that  of  some  Chinese, 
who,  in  addition  to  being  able  to  repeat  the  classics, 

254 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


can  memorize  a large  part  of  the  general  literature 
of  their  country.  A Chinese  acquaintance  of  mine 
was  able,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  to  reproduce,  ver- 
batim^ letters  received  by  him  in  his  youth  from 
some  of  his  literary  friends  famous  as  stylists. 
When  pitted  against  European  students  in  school 
or  college,  the  Chinese  is  in  no  respect  inferior  to 
his  Western  contemporaries,  and,  whether  in  mathe- 
matics and  applied  science  or  in  metaphysics  and 
speculative  thought,  he  is  capable  of  holding  his 
own  against  all  competitors. 

In  considering  the  future  of  the  Chinese  race, 
therefore,  we  have  this  enormous  double  fund  of 
capacity  to  reckon  with — capacity  of  muscle  and 
capacity  of  brain  ; and  we  have  only  to  imagine  the 
quantitative  value  of  such  an  aggregate  of  nervous 
force,  when  brought  into  vital  contact  with  the  ac- 
tive spirit  and  the  mechanical  and  mental  appliances 
of  the  West,  to  picture  to  ourselves  a future  for 
China  which  will  astonish  and  may  appall  the  w'orld. 

But  while  there  are  here  the  elements  of  an  im- 
mense subordinate  success — the  success  of  muscular 
and  intellectual  force  directed  by  a master — it  does 
not  follow,  and  there  are  many  to  be  found  who  will 
deny,  that  the  Chinese  can  ever  play  the  leading 
role.  Experience,  it  must  be  admitted,  so  far  as  it 
goes,  gives  its  verdict  against  this,  though  the  ver- 
dict is  by  no  means  final.  And  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  Dr.  Pearson,  in  his  learned  and  well-thought- 
out  work  on  N^ational  Character  and  Devclop7ncnt, 
ignores  altogether  the  assumed  disability  of  the 


255 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Chinese  to  cope  with  the  creative  genius  of  the 
world.  In  favor  of  Dr,  Pearson’s  hypothesis  of  the 
latent  power  of  the  Chinese  race,  their  mere  numbers 
are  a telling  fact,  since  if  the  percentage  of  original 
initiating  and  directing  minds  among  them  were  but 
a tithe  of  that  of  the  Caucasian  races,  it  would  con- 
stitute them  a real  energizing  force  in  the  future 
progress  of  the  world.  And,  though  the  Chinese 
copy  and  do  not  originate,  may  there  not  be  in 
them,  nevertheless,  a latent  talent  which  is  waiting 
for  favorable  circumstances  to  cause  it  to  blossom 
into  action  ? Before  answering  such  a question  as 
that,  we  should  have  to  solve  a few  preliminary  ones — 
as,  for  instance,  the  true  cause  of  Chinese  stagnation 
and  of  the  sameness  of  their  life  routine. 

Here,  however,  it  may  be  appropriate  to  indicate 
briefly  some  traits  of  character  and  effects  of  hered- 
itary training  which  militate  against  their  success  in 
the  pursuits  which  have  built  up  the  power  of  the 
modern  Christian  states.  Only  a few  of  the  more 
obvious  need  be  noted.  One  is  universally  acknowl- 
edged : it  is  the  indifference  to  truth,  as  such.  A 
lie  is  no  disgrace  ; it  is  only  disgraceful  not  to  put  a 
good  “face”  on  things.  Combine  these  two  ideas,  and 
the  natural  result  is  universal  mistrust,  which  places 
co-operation,  without  which  even  a pin  cannot  be 
economically  made,  largely  out  of  the  c|uestion. 
The  entire  absence  of  natural  science,  and  of  any 
definiteness  of  conception  or  arrangement  in  matters 
not  rigidly  prescribed  by  traditional  etiquette,  coin- 
cides with  the  unconsciousness  of  the  value  of  accu- 


256 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


racy;  but  the  question  is  whether  the  general  intro- 
duction of  science  as  part  of  the  educational  curricu- 
lum, followed  by  its  extensive  application  to  the  busi- 
ness of  life,  will  not  cure  this  radical  defect  in  the 
moral  equipment  of  the  nation.  That  such  a result 
would  be,  at  the  least,  a protracted  affair,  the  most 
sanguine  can  hardly  doubt,  nor  will  the  process  be 
rendered  the  more  easy  by  the  fact  that  the  Chinese 
have  discovered  certain  working  substitutes  for  fact- 
ual truth.  Meadows  has  pointed  out  that  personal 
probity  is  not  relied  upon,  because  the  business  of 
life,  mercantile  and  domestic,  is  carried  on  under  a 
chain  of  guaranties,  infidelity  to  which  is  of  very 
rare  occurrence.  In  a general  reform  of  the  code  of 
honor,  this  time-honored  institution  would  have  to 
be  uprooted,  rendering  the  whole  operation  doubly 
difficult,  and  indeed  impossible,  except  as  a result  of 
protracted  evolution. 

Closely  allied  with  untruthfulness  is  the  looseness 
of  conscience  in  the  handling  of  money.  The  proc- 
ess known  as  “ robbing  Peter  to  pay  Paul,”  of 
patching  a hole  by  a piece  cut  out  of  the  garment, 
forms  a part  of  the  Chinese  practice,  from  the  Em- 
peror downward.  Even  in  the  returns  of  the  Im- 
perial revenue*  the  authorities  seem  to  prefer  that 

* Generally  four-tenths  of  the  Foreign  Customs  duties  are  appro- 
priated directly  by  the  Peking  Government.  From  the  remaining 
si.x-tenths  there  are  first  paid  out  the  indents  for  the  Peking  Govern- 
ment as  above  stated,  which  are  most  specifically  charged  on  the 
si.x-tenths ; then  there  are  the  local  costs  of  collection  and  numerous 
fixed  allowances ; then  15  per  cent,  is  set  apart  and  remitted  to  the 
Shanghai  Taotai  for  expense  of  foreign  legations  ; and  the  balance 

257 


R 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


deductions  be  made  from  disbursements  before  re- 
mittances are  forwarded,  rather  than  that  the  full 
revenue  be  shown  on  one  side  of  the  account  and 
the  full  expenditure  on  the  other.  Such  a system 
invites  peculation,  which  is  carried  on  wholesale 
throughout  every  government  department.  The 
shifty  tendency  pervades  every  relation  of  life ; 
shameless  malversation  is  tolerated  as  a mere  pec- 
cadillo where  a breach  of  filial  etiquette  would  be 
punishable  as  a crime.  With  such  a code  of  finan- 
cial morality  it  would  apparently  be  impossible  to 
develop  joint-stock  enterprise,  for  no  confidence 
would  be  felt  in  the  integrity  of  the  management. 
Some  such  companies  do,  however,  exist  in  Hong- 
kong. Mines  do  not  pay  the  proprietors  because  the 
laborers  pilfer  the  production  ;*  cotton  factories,  be- 

is  apportioned  from  time  to  time  by  the  Board  between  Imperial 
and  provincial  needs. — Geo.  Jamieson,  C.M.G.,  Foreign  Office  Re- 
ports, 1897. 

* In  a memorial  to  the  Throne,  Fang  Chiung,  Director  of  Mines 
in  Yunnan,  reports  that  “ a great  deal  of  illicit  mining  is  carried  on 
by  the  people,  and  the  officials  are  afraid  of  the  consequences  of  as- 
serting their  rights  despotically.  A plan  has,  however,  been  devised 
of  buying  up  the  copper  privately  mined  by  the  natives  at  a low 
price,  and  thus  taking  advantage  of  the  extra  labor  by  a measure  at 
once  profitable  and  popular.  In  this  way  the  memorialist  thinks 
the  mines  will  work  well.”  In  a postscript  memorial  the  Director 
informs  the  Emperor  that  10,000  catties  of  copper  are  bought 
monthly  from  the  illicit  mines,  and  that  the  laborers  are  “ not  paid 
wages,  but  are  supplied  with  oil  and  rice,” — Peking  Gazette,  quoted 
by  A.  H.  Smith,  who  adds : “ It  is  not  every  day  that  a governor 
officially  informs  an  emperor  that  the  laws  of  his  empire  are  habit- 
ually violated  by  persons  with  whom  the  magistrates  dare  not  inter- 
fere, but  whom,  on  the  other  hand,  they  mollify  with  oil  and  suffi- 
cient money  to  induce  them  to  part  with  their  stolen  copper.” 

258 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


cause  the  mill-hands  carry  off  the  raw  material  stowed 
away  in  their  clothes.  The  most  important  Chinese 
companies  are  machines  for  wholesale  misappropria- 
tion of  funds,  a state  of  things  which  is  always  aggra- 
vated in  cases  where  an  official  has  a hand  in  the  ma- 
nipulation. While  such  an  all-sufficing  explanation 
exists,  it  seems  needless  to  seek  for  more  speculative 
reasons  for  the  want  of  enterprise  of  the  Chinese,  or 
for  the  well-known  fact  that  they  are  willing  to  place 
their  funds  at  low  interest  with  foreign  banks  rather 
than  trust  their  own  countrymen  on  more  tempting 
terms.  This  preference  for  foreign  security,  based 
on  foreign  integrity,  is  the  principal  lever  by  which 
the  commercial,  industrial,  and  financial  resources  of 
China  will  hereafter  be  developed.  It  is  only  by 
organized  probity  that  we  can  compete  with  the 
Chinese.  I do  not  advance  this  as  a principle  or  a 
theory  of  Chinese  morals,  but  merely  as  an  empiri- 
cal observation,  for  it  is  in  flat  contradiction  of  other 
facts  equally  well  known.  The  probity  of  Chinese 
merchants  and  bankers  is  proverbial  and  is  no  doubt 
the  basis  of  their  success  in  these  enterprises.  As 
the  Chinese  have  no  separate  castes,  it  is  hard  to 
account  for  such  apparently  contradictory  phenome- 
na as  exceptional  fidelity  in  certain  walks  of  life  and 
systematic  fraud  in  others,  the  line  of  demarcation 
being  moreover  sharply  drawn. 

That  some  general  cause  is  in  operation  to  pro- 
duce such  disparate  results  seems  evident,  and  the 
explanation  may  possibly  be  found  in  the  special 
training  which  is  required  by  different  avocations, 

259 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


and  the  selection  of  the  men  who  are  to  follow^  them. 
Every  profession  has  its  own  code  of  honor  and 
rule  of  practice,  and  every  society  its  law  of  self- 
preservation.  Commerce  cannot  be  carried  on  with- 
out confidence,  and  the  continuous  e.xperience  of 
many  centuries  has  burned  this  law  into  the  hearts 
of  those  who  are  enrolled  under  its  banner.  Natu- 
ral selection  will  tend  constantly  to  the  rejection  of 
individuals  who  do  not  obey  the  law  by  wdiich  alone 
a commercial  community  can  live,  and  the  heredi- 
tary principle  lends  its  potent  aid  towards  keeping 
the  body  pure.  Traditions  handed  down  from  father 
to  son,  not  so  much  in  formal  maxims  as  in  daily 
practice,  enter  deeply  into  the  character;  and  chil- 
dren follow  unconsciously  and  automatically  the 
w^avs  of  their  fathers  and  families,  in  contact  with 
w'hom  they  have  grown  up.  They  would  find  it 
difficult  to  do  otherwise. 

The  different  code  of  honor  which  prevails  in 
official  circles,  on  the  other  hand,  may  equally  be 
pleaded  as  a necessity  of  existence.  No  govern- 
ment official  in  China  can  possibly  live  on  his  pay; 
his  necessary  expenses  many  times  exceed  it.  What 
is  he  to  do.?  Immemorial  tradition  points  out  the 
way.  The  ox  is  not  muzzled  that  treads  out  the 
corn.  Of  course  official  corruption  is  an  insidious 
poison,  not  only  as  affecting  the  efficiency  of  the 
public  service  but  also  the  personal  character  of  the 
individual.  Once  admit  bribery  or  malversation  as 
a justifiable  means  of  living,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
draw  the  line.  Necessity  soon  becomes  rapacity, 

260 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


and  rapacity  grows  by  what  it  feeds  upon.  It  is 
astonishing  that  any  vestige  of  character  is  left  in 
men  who  have  graduated  in  the  official  school. 
Some,  indeed,  there  are  who  resist  the  common 
temptation,  and  are  regarded  as  a kind  of  mon- 
strosity of  virtue — a sort  of  “ white  elephant  ” — who 
for  this  reason  may  claim  unlimited  indulgence. 
Such  officials  must  either  be  themselves  wealthy, 
have  wealthy  friends,  or  be  financed  by  some  shrewd 
man  of  business,  who  manages  everything  behind 
the  back  of  his  principal. 

The  danger  of  new  enterprises  lies  in  the  circum- 
stance that  they  fall  outside  the  tradition,  and  there- 
fore outside  the  protection,  of  the  professional  code 
which  is  so  efficacious  within  its  own  sphere.  If  an 
official  personage  has  any  concern  in  the  undertak- 
ing, his  dominant  idea  is  to  make  it  a milch  cow  for 
himself;  his  whole  habit  of  mind  would  militate 
against  his  paying  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  share, 
holders. 

Wdiere  the  commercial  morality  of  the  Chinese  is 
at  its  worst  is  where  it  comes  in  contact  with  West- 
ern legality.  They  are  shown  in  an  unfavorable 
light  when,  for  example,  they  are  called  upon  to  pay 
up  calls  on  their  shares  in  limited  companies  regis- 
tered abroad.  This  is  one  of  those  cases  where 
their  tradition  fails  to  support  them  in  a right 
course,  the  whole  thing  being  alien  from  their  own 
customs.  Neither  family  honor  nor  public  opinion 
concerns  itself  with  such  stranore  devices  as  foreifrn 
legal  forms,  which  are  as  unintelligible  to  the  Chi- 

261 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


nese  as  to  the  unlettered  peasantry  of  Europe. 
There  is  no  sanctity  attaching  to  them,  and  if  their 
terms  can  be  successfully  evaded,  and  without  prej- 
udicing one’s  interest  in  other  ways,  it  is  considered 
permissible,  the  mere  moral  sanction  counting  for 
little.  Rectitude  of  conduct  between  man  and  man 
is  secured  among  themselves  in  an  entirely  different 
manner:  everything  is  regulated  by  custom,  which 
possesses  greater  vitality  than  judge-made  or  statute- 
made  law.  A mercantile  contract,  for  example, 
drawn  up  and  signed,  is  held  of  quite  secondary 
validity;  but  if  bargain-money  has  been  paid  it  is 
unimpugnable,  and  bargain-money  without  the  pa- 
per is  of  greater  efficacy  than  the  paper  without  bar- 
gain - money.  It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  expected 
that  a people  living  and  moving  in  such  an  atmos- 
phere of  tradition  and  custom  should  adapt  them- 
selves easily  to  the  machinery  of  foreign  legislation, 
which  in  its  subject-matter  is  necessarily  altogether 
uncouth  to  their  ideas,  varies  more  or  less  in  each 
nationality  with  which  they  have  to  deal,  and  is  sub- 
ject to  change  in  each  new  session  of  some  foreign 
parliament  which  to  them  has  not  even  the  consist- 
ency of  a myth. 

“ Respect  for  the  law,”  as  a virtue  of  civilized 
peoples,  cannot  apply  to  exotic  regulations  which  are 
alien  in  their  nature  as  well  as  in  their  source.  The 
sentiment  bred  in  the  bone  of  the  Chinese  people  is 
not  respect  but  reverence  for  law;  it  is  more  than 
reli2;ion  to  them.  But  the  foreign-manufactured 
article  is  as  a strange  god  introduced  into  their  pan- 

262 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


theon  ; it  takes  no  hold  of  their  moral  sense.  The 
whole  attitude  of  the  Chinese  towards  this  kind 
of  law,  therefore,  differs  fundamentally  from  that  of 
the  peoples  of  the  West,  and  this  should  be  taken 
into  account  by  all  who  have  business  with  the  peo- 
ple of  China.  The  Chinese  look  to  quite  other 
safesruards  in  commercial  dealinefs  than  Encrlish- 
men  do,  who  have  always  a solicitor  at  their  elbow 
and  learned  counsel  to  consult  on  every  clause  and 
shade  of  meaning  of  a contract.  In  the  first  place, 
the  Chinese  merchant  or  banker  places  no  reliance 
whatever  on  litigation,  but  takes  his  measures  as  if 
there  were  no  such  thing  to  fall  back  upon.  His 
first  line  of  defence  against  fraud  or  misunderstand- 
ing is  to  select  his  clientele  on  the  most  rigid  principle, 
and  deal  only  with  men  of  known  character  and 
untainted  connections,  in  such  a manner  as  to  be 
able  to  follow  him  into  all  the  transactions  he  may 
undertake.  It  is  this  perfect  mutual  knowledge 
which  cements  the  confidence  between  men  of  busi- 
ness, and  the  customs  which  are  better  known  to 
them  than  any  legal  enactments  can  possibly  be  to 
the  people  of  Europe  rule  every  transaction  that 
is  doubtful.  Written  contracts  have  scarcely  any 
place  in  the  Chinese  system,  whereas  they  are  the 
very  essence  of  ours.  Our  jurists  place  the  ver- 
bal construction  of  an  agreement  before  everything, 
while  in  China  the  whole  stress  is  laid  on  the  obvious 
and  reasonable  intention  of  the  parties;  the  one  re- 
gards only  the  documentary  contract,  the  other  the 
thing  contracted  for.  The  difference  between  the 

263 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


two  points  of  view  is  almost  irreconcilable,  and  it  is 
as  erroneous  for  us  to  test  Chinese  equity  by  means 
of  our  standard,  as  for  the  Chinese  to  judge  us  want- 
ing in  good  faith  because  we  take  advantage  of  a 
technicality  to  avoid  a disadvantageous  obligation. 
The  moral  to  be  drawn  from  this  state  of  things 

O 

would  seem  to  be  that  each  party  should  take  the 
other  on  its  own  ground — that  foreigners  should  rely 
on  Chinese  time-consecrated  sanctions  to  bind  the 
Chinese  commercial  conscience,  and  that  the  Chinese 
should  trust  foreigners  only  so  far  as  they  can 
have  written  contracts  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered. 

An  element  of  distrust  between  Chinese  and  for- 
eigners— which  is  really  a phase  of  that  natural  in- 
stinct of  resting  on  the  substance  and  not  on  the 
form — is  the  looseness  and  disregard  of  punctuality 
which  characterize  the  Chinese.  Except  in  banking 
transactions,  time  with  them  has  not  the  same  recog- 
nized value  as  it  has  with  us,  and  their  habits  are 
easier  and  more  slovenly.  This  leads  to  irritation 
and  sometimes  needless  suspicion  when  an  important 
engagement  is  not  kept,  and  when  either  no  excuse 
is  thought  necessary  or  the  most  ridiculous  reasons 
are  given.  Much  should  be  allowed  for  mere  habit 
in  such  matters,  and  a great  deal  more  for  the 
complex  life  Chinamen  lead.  It  is  alleged  against 
them  that  they  are  superstitious,  but  it  is  scarcely 
possible  for  a foreigner  to  conceive  how  completely 
their  lives  are  enveloped  in  cobwebs  of  necromancy, 
geomancy,  witchcraft,  animal  worship,  luck,  evil  eye, 
and  a thousand  influences  w'hich  seem  to  us  grotesque 

264 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


and  childish.  This  is  a natural  result  of  the  long 
duration  of  the  people,  whieh  has  permitted  the 
aecretions  of  three  thousand  years  to  be  preserved 
in  a gigantie  aceumulation,  whereas  the  primitive 
beliefs  and  folk-lore  of  Western  peoples  have  been 
broken  up  by  their  migrations,  wars,  and  commo- 
tions. Almost  every  coneeivable  action  of  a China- 
man’s life  is  preseribed  by  a minute  etiquette  which 
no  one  dreams  of  disre2;ardin2:.  BeinG!  unintelligible 
to  foreigners,  this  necessarily  creates  frietion  in  their 
mutual  relations.  But  in  addition  to  this  the  Chinese, 
even  the  most  reasonable  and  most  practical,  are 
under  the  dominion  of  sorcerers  and  fortune-tellers 
and  the  reign  of  “ luck  ” to  such  an  extent  that  they 
are  in  constant  apprehension  of  doing  or  saying 
things  at  the  wrong  time,  the  wrong  plaee,  in  the 
wrong  way,  or  in  company  with  the  wrong  people. 
A promising  combination  may  be  spoiled  by  some 
oeeult  warning,  and  a Chinaman  may  often  have 
bad  faith  imputed  to  him  when  he  is  really  under 
the  constraint  of  some  influence  which  he  dare  not 
avow,  and  whieh  causes  him  to  make  a shuffling  and 
mendacious  e.xcuse. 

What  is  most  mysterious  in  Chinese  ways  would 
probably  be  simple  enough  if  we  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  explanation.  Probably  the  fundamental 
principle  of  their  national  and  private  life,  the  fam- 
ily idea,  if  well  understood,  would  supply  the  key  to 
many  seeming  peeuliarities.  To  dub  them  idolaters 
beeause  they  worship  their  aneestors  is  begging  the 
question.  It  were  more  to  the  purpose  to  examine 

265 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


into  the  relationship  which  is  called  “worship” 
and  see  what  an  important  part  these  ancestors 
play  in  Chinese  life.  Their  authority  seems  to  be 
the  power  which  keeps  the  nation  together ; they 
are  one  with  their  posterity,  and  the  ancestral  tomb 
is  the  family  altar. 

Hear  Carlyle  on  the  matter: 


“ He  (the  Emperor)  and  his  three  hundred  millions  visit  yearly 
the  Tombs  of  their  Fathers  ; each  man  the  Tomb  of  his  Father 
and  his  Mother ; alone  there,  in  silence,  with  what  of  worship  or 
of  other  thought  there  may  be,  pauses  solemnly  each  man  ; the 
divine  Skies  all  silent  over  him  ; the  divine  Graves,  and  this 
divinest  Grave,  all  silent  under  him  ; the  pulsings  of  his  own  soul, 
if  he  have  any  soul,  alone  audible.  Truly  it  may  be  a kind  of 
worship.  Truly  if  a man  cannot  get  some  glimpse  into  the 
Eternities,  looking  through  this  portal — through  what  other  need 
he  try  it  ?” 

The  ancestors  assist  at  the  family  council  and 
sanction  its  proceedings.  The  effect  on  the  practi- 
cal or  business  life  of  the  people  of  the  ancestral  cult 
is  various.  The  family  being  the  unit  of  the  State, 
there  is  a collective  responsibility  for  the  behavior 
of  each  member,  in  consequence  of  which  order  is 
kept  in  every  village  and  city  without  the  supervision 
of  military  or  police.  This  alone  is  no  slight  gain. 
The  family  responsibility  in  financial  matters,  too, 
gives  security  in  business,  for  a debt  is  never  can- 
celled except  by  payment,  and  descends  as  a burden 
from  father  to  son.  A bad  side  of  the  system  is  the 
moral  obligation  which  rests  on  any  one  who  is 
rich  to  support  all  the  members,  for  obviously  such 
a principle  discourages  enterprise  and  industry. 

266 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


It  stands  seriously  in  the  way  of  material  progress, 
for  no  sooner  does  a man  by  his  own  energy  es- 
tablish some  promising  industry  than  he  is  pounced 
upon  by  all  the  ne’er-do-wells  of  his  family,  who 
live  upon  him  and  whom  he  is  obliged  to  employ 
to  the  exclusion  of  useful  men,  even  to  the  ruin 
of  his  enterprise.  It  is  impossible  for  a Chinaman 
to  emancipate  himself  from  this  family  incubus,  and 
the  fact  must  be  reckoned  with  in  all  schemes  for 
co-operation  with  Chinese. 

In  all  estimates  of  the  social  system,  a practical 
distinction  must  be  made  between  the  Chinese  peo- 
ple in  their  individual  and  their  public  capacity ; 
between  their  utility  as  material  to  be  moulded  and 
managed  by  others,  and  their  power  to  organize  and 
lead  their  own  forces — industrial,  commercial,  politi- 
cal, and  military.  In  what  has  gone  before,  the  for- 
mer forces  have  been  glanced  at;  we  will  now  refer 
briefly  to  the  latter. 

The  Chinese  in  public  life,  as  we  conceive  the 
idea,  is  as  yet  an  unknown  cjuantity.  The  nation 
does  not  concern  itself  with  political  affairs  any 
more  than,  on  the  advice  of  Confucius,  it  concerns 
itself  with  theological  affairs.  The  popular  maxim 
is  that,  as  the  mandarins  are  paid  (and  pay  them- 
selves) for  attending  to  public  administration,  it  is 
their  business  to  do  it,  while  the  public  cultivates  its 
garden  and  pays  its  taxes.  As  this  is  not  a philo- 
sophical treatise  we  are  not  tempted  to  speculate  on 
the  development  of  this  state  of  feeling,  or  on  its 
significance,  further  than  to  make  the  obvious  re- 

267 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


mark  that  a faculty  that  has  never  been  used,  or 
that  has  fallen  out  of  use,  is  virtually  non-existent. 
We  may  conclude,  accurately  enough  for  practical 
purposes,  that  public  spirit  is  an  unknown  senti- 
ment to  the  Chinese  people.  To  our  appreciation 
the  Chinese  as  a nation  exhibit  no  patriotism;  but 
this  may  be  the  effect  of  our  own  prejudice  and 
want  of  insight  into  the  true  relation  between  the 
subject  and  object  of  what  we  call  patriotism.  In- 
stances of  the  loftiest  and  purest  devotion  are  not 
rare,  nor  in  these  cases  does  the  ideal  appear  very 
different  from  our  own.  Speaking,  however,  only 
of  what  operates  on  the  masses  as  we  see  them,  and 
not  as  they  may  be  intrinsically,  we  should  perhaps 
be  justified  in  saying  that  what  represents  the  feel- 
ing of  patriotism  in  China  is  a survival  of  clannish- 
ness which  affects  small  segregated  areas  — not  a 
provincial  or  even  a civic  patriotism,  but  rather  a 
local  village  spirit  which  on  occasion  is  capable  of 
combiningr  to  resist  extortion  or  resent  interference. 

O 

We  have  elsewhere  shown  how  this  great  political 
vacuum  in  the  Chinese  social  organism  is  partly 
supplied  by  secret  societies,  as  in  the  commercial 
sphere  the  juridical  gap  is  supplied  by  trade  guilds. 
The  officials  them.selves  possess  their  defensive  com- 
binations, each  province  having  in  the  capital  a 
society,  which  we  call  a “club,”  where  gatherings 
are  held  daily  to  discuss  public  affairs.  These 
clubs  are  managed  with  considerable  strictness,  and 
the  very  highest  officials  may  be  expelled  when  ac- 
cused of  conduct  derogatory  to  the  character  of  the 

268 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


society.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  particular 
offence  which  has  led  to  a sentence  of  expulsion 
in  conspicuous  cases  has  been  “ truckling  to  for- 
eigners.” For  this  the  most  respected  and  influ- 
ential offlcial  in  the  last  two  generations,  Tseng 
Kwo  Fan,  father  of  the  late  Marquis  Tseng,  was 
expelled  from  the  Hunan  Club  in  Peking,  and  many 
years  and  many  sacrifices  were  required  before  he 
could  gain  readmission.  This  general,  perhaps  uni- 
versal, feeling — a most  natural  and  proper  feeling, 
we  must  admit — against  foreigners  is  by  some  main- 
tained to  be  the  only  article  in  the  Chinese  code 
which  may  fitly  be  called  patriotic.  But,  though 
general,  it  is  not  centralized,  nor  does  it  lead  to  any 
common  action.  The  whole  Empire  may  have 
one  feeling  while  each  locality  stands  separate  from 
all  the  others,  and  thus  the  country  may  always  be 
conquered  in  detail.  Reverence  for  the  Throne  un- 
doubtedly exists  as  the  apex  of  that  great  pyramid, 
the  family  system,  but  is  rather  a sublimated  relig- 
ious than  a political  sentiment.  There  is  no  vital 
attachment  in  it,  no  loyalty  which  commands  sacri- 
fice, and  among  the  officials  even  the  genuine  feel- 
ing of  devotion  to  the  Imperial  service  has  probably 
been  absorbed  into  and  dissipated  by  the  hyperbolic 
formulas  prescribed  for  their  memorials  and  ad- 
dresses. 

Associated  with  the  political  are  the  military  sen- 
timents of  the  Chinese  people:  there  we  find  the 
same  general  principle  prevailing — that  of  aloofness 
or  indifference.  If  they  ever  were  war-like,  the  Chi- 

269 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


nese  have  ceased  for  very  many  centuries  to  be  so. 
The  nation  has  survived  the  military  age,  and  the 
only  treatises  extant  on  strategy  date  from  before 
the  Christian  era.  When  forced  to  fight,  which 
they  will  seldom  do  if  there  is  a chance  of  running 
away,  their  tactics  are  more  primitive  than  those  of 
Zulus.  There  is  no  concentration:  each  regiment 

O 

or  battalion  fights  for  itself  exclusively.  None  will 
assist  another,  still  less  will  any  section  of  a force 
sacrifice  itself  for  the  general  success. 

The  personal  courage  of  Chinese  soldiers  is  usually 
estimated  at  a low  value,  but  there  are  extenuating 
and  explanatory  circumstances.  The  manner  in 
which  a Chinese  force  is  levied,  the  way  it  is  treated, 
paid,  and  led  should  excuse  much  in  the  private  sol- 
dier. When  sent  unarmed,  as  they  virtually  were  in 
the  late  Japanese  War,  against  highly  disciplined 
and  well-armed  hosts,  the  only  sensible  thing  to  be 
done  was  to  retreat,  and,  as  in  that  movement  at 
least  their  commanders  could  generally  be  counted 
on  to  set  a good  example,  they  fell  back  in  greater 
or  less  disorder  before  the  invaders.  But  when  they 
were  paid,  fed,  and  disciplined,  and  armed,  as  was 
the  case  in  the  Chinese  navy,  the  men  left  little  to 
be  desired  in  the  way  of  courage.  Even  then,  how- 
ever, they  needed  leading.  Under  a European  offi- 
cer there  was  no  forlorn  hope  or  desperate  service 
for  which  they  would  not  volunteer;  and  they  ral- 
lied round  the  brave  Admiral  Ting,  whom  they 
were  ready  to  follow  to  a heroic  death,  when  he  was 
shut  in  a trap  in  his  own  port,  Wei-hai-wei.  It  has 

270 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


always  been  the  personal  qualities  of  a man,  rather 
than  a cause,  which  attracted  the  Chinese.  Gordon 
could  have  led  them  anywhere.  So,  no  doubt,  could 
Admiral  Ting. 

It  is  probably  a mere  question  of  organization 
with  the  Chinese,  as  with  the  Egyptians.  The  Chi- 
nese have  shown  themselves  apt  learners,  and  they 
are  capable  of  drill  and  discipline.  Confidence  will 
do  the  rest,  confidence  in  their  leaders  and — in  their 
pay. 

Distinction  may  be  justly  drawn  between  the 
populations  of  different  parts  of  the  vast  Empire. 
The  Cantonese  have  always  been  of  a daring  char- 
acter, which  for  many  years  unfortunately  expended 
itself  in  wholesale  piracy  on  the  coast.  The  natives 
of  Shantung,  however,  where  the  Germans  have 
established  themselves,  and  whose  overflow  has 
peopled  the  rich  lands  of  Manchuria,  enjoy  the 
finest  record  for  both  physical  and  moral  qualities. 
It  was  from  them  the  Chinese  navy  drew  its  best 
recruits;  it  is  they  w'ho  have  proved  their  prowess 
either  as  brigands  or  as  self-reliant  and  self-defended 
exploiters  of  the  resources  of  Liaotung  and  Man- 
churia. Consequently,  the  power  of  assimilating 
these  war-like,  industrious,  and  intelligent  people  is 
an  advantage  to  Russia  no  less  important  than  her 
territorial  acquisitions. 

When  all  is  said,  however,  it  must  still  be  con- 
ceded that  it  is  not  military,  or  scientific,  or  politi- 
cal, but  commercial  genius  that  has  characterized 
the  Chinese  in  the  past,  and  is  therefore  most  likely 

27 1 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  distinguish  them  in  the  future.  They  are  the 
original,  true,  and  only  real  shopkeepers,  and  in  ev- 
ery position  of  life,  even  the  farthest  removed  from 
the  atmosphere  of  commerce,  the  Chinese  may  be 
said  to  think  in  money.  As  with  the  Jew,  their 
instinctive  habit  is  one  of  perpetual  appraisement. 
No  matter  what  object  may  be  shown  to  them  for 
their  instruction  or  admiration,  their  first  and  last 
thought  is  what  it  cost ; and  conversations  over- 
heard among  boatmen,  coolies,  and  laborers  turn 
invariably  on  the  same  topic  — money.  This  trait 
of  character  cannot  be  better  described  than  in  the 
words  of  the  Abbe  Hue,  in  his  Chinese  Empire: 

“ The  Chinese  has  a passionate  love  for  lucre ; he  is  fond  of  all 
kinds  of  speculation  and  stock -jobbing,  and  his  mind,  full  of 
finesse  and  cunning,  takes  delight  in  combining  and  calculating 
the  chances  of  a commercial  operation. 

“The  Chinese,  excellence,  is  a man  installed  behind  the 
counter  of  a shop,  waiting  for  his  customers  with  patience  and 
resignation,  and  in  the  intervals  of  their  arrival  pondering  in  his 
head  and  casting  up  on  his  little  arithmetical  machine  the  means 
of  increasing  his  fortune.  Whatever  may  be  the  nature  and  im- 
portance of  his  business,  he  neglects  not  the  smallest  profit ; the 
least  gain  is  always  welcome,  and  he  accepts  it  eagerly ; greatest  of 
all  is  his  enjoyment  when,  in  the  evening,  having  well  closed  and 
barricaded  his  shop,  he  can  retire  into  some  corner,  and  there 
count  up  religiously  the  number  of  his  sapecks,  and  reckon  the 
earnings  of  the  day. 

“The  Chinese  is  born  with  this  taste  for  traffic,  which  grows 
with  his  growth  and  strengthens  with  his  strength.  The  first  thing 
a child  longs  for  is  a sapeck ; the  first  use  that  he  makes  of  his 
speech  and  intelligence  is  to  learn  to  articulate  the  names  of  coins  ; 
when  his  little  fingers  are  strong  enough  to  hold  the  pencil,  it  is 
with  making  figures  that  he  amuses  himself,  and  as  soon  as  the 
tiny  creature  can  speak  and  walk  he  is  capable  of  buying  and 
selling.” 

2 y 2 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


Nor  is  it  the  mere  gain  that  inspires  the  passion 
for  merchandising.  In  common  with  Orientals  gen- 
erally, the  Chinese  are  fascinated  by  the  sport  of 
bargaining,  as  a cat  is  by  playing  its  mouse  or  a 
fisherman  his  salmon.  It  is  said  that  the  great 
Li  Hung  Chang  derived  a purer  pleasure  from 
“doing”  an  employe  out  of  half  a month’s  pay,  as 
the  result  of  an  afternoon’s  contest,  than  if  he  had 
saved  a province  of  the  Empire — a weakness  which 
has  no  doubt  often  been  turned  to  profitable  account 
by  those  who  had  important  transactions  with  that 
eminent  statesman.  It  is  held  to  be  a maxim  of 
wisdom  for  an  undergraduate  to  let  his  rich  uncle 
have  the  better  of  him  at  chess.  Human  nature  is 
essentially  the  same  everywhere ; the  point  of  dif- 
ference to  be  noted  here  between  Oriental  and  Oc- 
cidental is  that  time  seems  to  be  of  no  account  to 
the  one,  while  to  the  other  it  is  a synonyme  for 
money,  which  is  of  prime  value  to  both. 

And  in  connection  with  money-making  there  is 
another  point  to  be  noticed  and  kept  in  mind  in  re- 
gard to  the  Chinese,  in  which  they  are  distinguished 
from  the  races  of  the  West,  and  perhaps  of  the  East 
as  well.  Though  parsimonious,  the  Chinaman  is 
not  mean.  He  is  generous  almost  to  a fault  when 
the  humor  takes  him — has  a supreme  disregard  of 
trifles  in  settling  an  account,  for  example,  takes  a 
loss  stoically,  lends  freely  with  small  expectation  of 
return,  and  rarely  sues  for  a debt.  The  ease  of  the 
Chinese  in  money  dealing  contrasts  strongly  with 
the  exigence  with  which  they  are  treated  by  for- 
s 273 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


eigners  with  whom  they  traffic.  And  yet  in  the 
essence  of  things  there  may  be  no  real  superiority 
or  inferiority ; for  the  liberality  in  the  one  case  may 
be  referred  to  the  general  laxity  of  Chinese  reckon- 
ing and  to  the  margin  of  perquisites  on  which  the}" 
instinctively  fall  back,  while  the  severity  in  the 
other  case  belongs  to  the  precision  of  accounts  and 
the  absence  of  any  margin  of  debatable  ground 
where  generosity  might  find  pasture.  In  the  West 
the  open-handed  man  too  often  comes  to  penury, 
while  in  the  East  “ there  is  that  scattereth  and  yet 
increaseth.” 

The  combination  of  the  qualities  of  avarice  and 
profusion  sometimes  produces  results  which,  though 
entirely  natural  in  themselves,  are  both  comical  and 
paradoxical  when  viewed  from  a foreign  stand-point 
Once  upon  a time  the  agent  at  one  of  the  minor 
]3orts  for  a wealthy  firm  in  Shanghai  lived  in  the 
somewhat  lordly  style  which  had  been  inherited 
from  the  East  India  Company.  His  “boy”  or  but- 
ler and  his  whole  domestic  staff  made  a good  thing 
out  of  the  establishment  Times  changed,  and  the 
bie  fii'm  ceased  business.  Left  stranded,  the  a^ent 
decided  to  set  up  for  himself  and  work  the  connec- 
tions he  had  formed  among  natives  and  foreign 
merchants.  But  the  old  scale  of  expenditure  could 
not  be  supported.  Summoning  his  faithful  “ boy,” 
he  explained  the  situation  to  him: — impossible  to 
keep  up  the  old  expensive  style  of  living,  very  sorry 
to  part  with  such  a good  old  servant,  and  so  forth. 
The  boy  rose  to  the  occasion  in  a somewhat  sur- 

274 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


prising  manner.  “ What  for  masta  too  muchee 
sollee.^  My  too  sollee  masta  no  catchee  good 
chance.  My  like  stay  this  side.  Masta  how  much 
can  pay  ?”  (Why  is  master  so  sorrowful  ? I am 
very  sorry  that  master  is  not  doing  well.  I should 
like  to  stay  in  master’s  service.  How  much  can 
master  afford  to  pay  ?)  The  master  scratched  his 
forehead  and  paused,  then  named  a sum  which  was 
just  two-thirds  of  what  his  house  bills  had  hitherto 
amounted  to,  “ Maskee,  masta;  masta  talkee  so 
muchee,  can  do”  (Never  mind,  master;  whatever 
you  say  will  do),  said  the  accommodating  serving- 
man.  So  the  menage  proceeded,  everything  exactly 
as  before — table  as  bountiful,  servants  as  smart  and 
as  respectful,  but  the  monthly  charge  thirty  per 
cent.  less.  A year  passed ; the  new  business  had 
been  uphill  work,  as  new  businesses  are  wont  to 
be;  the  emolument  was  disappointing.  Again  the 
master  had  to  make  an  explanation  to  the  servant; 
again  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  was  to  reduce 
the  establishment.  “Never  mind,  master;  tell  me 
how  much  you  think  you  can  pay,”  was  the  sub- 
stance of  his  boy’s  reply.  The  master  was  seri- 
ously taken  aback,  but  he  named  a figure  which 
was  just  one-half  of  what  he  had  originally  been 
paying.  The  boy  accepted  as  cheerfully  as  before 
and  went  on  his  way  rejoicing,  and  the  menage  pro- 
ceeded, not  a salad  leaf  or  a partridge  or  a mush- 
room the  less ; only  the  cost  was  reduced  to  very 
modest  proportions.  Of  course  it  is  open  to  remark 
that  the  wily  Chinaman  had  been  extortionate  in 

275 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  high  old  time — but  what  elasticity  of  accommo- 
dation, what  fellowship  in  misfortune! 

Take  a converse  case  of  more  recent  occurrence 
in  Peking.  A French  gentleman  there  keeping 
house  with  his  wife  had  gone  on  smoothly  and 
economically  for  many  years,  no  ripple  disturbing 
the  surface  of  their  domestic  felicity.  By  and  by 
they  found  a substantial  increase  in  their  monthly 
budget.  They  remonstrated  with  their  head  servant, 
but  in  vain.  Stolidly,  month  after  month,  he  brought 
in  the  same  bill,  until  at  last  the  master  resolved  to 
part  with  the  servant,  and  did.  When  the  successor 
came  and  was  being  inducted  he  observed  to  the 
master,  “ What  thing  masta  talkee  ? How  can  ? 
Spose  that  piecee  man  have  talkee  so  fashon,  that 
b’long  tlue.  My  no  can  makee  more  plopa.  He 
b'long  welly  good  man,”  which,  being  interpreted, 
meant  that  he  could  not  manage  any  cheaper  than 
his  predecessor.  The  master  was  surprised  at  this 
speech,  argued  the  matter  for  a little,  but  could  make 
nothing  more  out  of  the  new  servant.  At  the  end 
of  the  first  month,  sure  enough,  the  account  came 
to  within  a fraction  of  what  it  had  been.  Remon- 
strance from  master  respectfully  received,  but  the 
following  month  the  same  old  charge.  The  master 
gave  it  up,  and  went  on  resignedly  as  if  in  the 
clutches  of  P'ate.  But  when  some  time  had  elapsed, 
and  all  controversy  had  ceased,  the  master,  disputing 
no  longer,  begged  the  servant,  merely  to  satisfy  curi- 
osity, to  explain  to  him  how  it  had  come  about  that 
the  scale  of  charge  which  had  gone  on  the  same 

276 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


for  so  many  years  had  suddenly  risen  without 
any  change  in  market  prices  or  any  other  apparent 
reason.  Taken  into  confidence  in  this  way,  the  boy 
looked  blandly  at  his  master  and  said,  “ Masta  six 
moon  fore  time  have  catchee  good  chance.  Alio 
man  too  muchee  glad.  Masta  have  catchee  good 
chance,  alio  man  can  catchee  too,”  which  means 
that,  the  master  having  had  a piece  of  good-fortune 
six  months  before,  all  the  servants  considered  them- 
selves entitled  to  their  share. 

We  should  not  do  the  Chinese  justice  without 
carrying  the  money  test  of  character  a stage  higher, 
almost  into  the  region  of  pure  ethics.  It  is  not  un- 
common to  impute  ingratitude  to  them.  But  the 
rule  applies  East  and  West  alike,  that  a bad  master 
never  had  a good  servant,  and  those  who  most 
loudly  cry  out  against  ingratitude  are  usually  those 
who  have  merited  nothing  else.  There  are  two 
sides  to  all  human  relations ; sentiments  are  not 
self-existent,  but,  like  vertebrates,  are  the  product  of 
two  parents.  All  foreigners  who  have  studied  the 
Chinese  in  a human,  sympathetic  manner,  like 
Meadows,  Smith,  and  others,  testify  to  their  devo- 
tion and  gratitude.  So  many  instances  of  this  are 
recorded  that  it  must  be  taken  as  natural  to  the 
Chinese  to  attach  themselves  heart  and  soul  to  any 
one,  be  he  native  or  foreigner,  who  once  gains  their 
confidence.  And  the  way  to  do  that  is  explained 
by  Meadows ; it  is  to  show  them,  not  by  words,  but 
by  acts,  that  you  are  thinking  of  their  w^elfare  as 
much  as  your  own.  There  is  no  mystery  in  this;  it 

277 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


holds  good  of  all  races  and  of  all  periods.  But  the 
gratitude  of  Orientals,  Africans,  and  others,  has  freer 
play  than  that  of  our  own  people  because  of  the  ac- 
commodating cjuality  of  their  social  relations  and 
the  extraordinary  supply  which  their  numbers  af- 
ford. Stereotyped  as  are  the  Chinese  relations  in 
certain  respects,  they  admit  of  great  elasticity  in 
others,  thanks  to  the  family  and  clan  system,  which 
makes  it  easy  and  common  to  find  substitutes  for 
almost  any  occasion.  This  enables  a man  to  attach 
himself  to  a master  or  follow  a leader  whom  he 
appreciates,  and  to  detach  himself  from  his  family, 
and  even  from  business  engagements,  for  indefinite 
periods.  There  are  many  foreigners  who  can  speak 
from  experience  of  such  proofs  of  devotion  and 
gratitude. 

That  the  family  spirit  expands  and  perpetuates 
the  individual  sentiment  the  following  illustration 
will  show: 

It  happened  to  an  Englishman  once  to  revisit 
China  after  the  lapse  of  many  years.  One  day  he 
was  surprised  to  receive  a call  from  some  Chinese 
whom  he  did  not  know.  They  were  well  dressed 
and  most  respectful.  After  the  usual  conventional 
preliminaries  the  principal  man  of  the  party,  which 
seemed  like  a deputation,  explained  that  he  was  the 
son  of  a Chinese  orentleman  who  had  died  more  than 

O 

twenty  years  before,  while  the  speaker  w^as  still  a 
child ; that  he  had  been  told  by  his  relatives  of  the 
kindness  which  the  Englishman  had  shown  to  his 
father  in  those  old  days,  but  had  never,  since  he 

278 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


grew  up,  had  any  means  of  expressing  his  gratitude. 
Now  it  had  come  to  his  ears  that  a person  bearing 
the  name  of  his  father’s  friend  had  recently  arrived 
in  the  town,  but  he  could  not  tell  if  it  was  the  same. 
So  he  paid  this  visit  merely  to  find  out,  was  over- 
joyed to  have  discovered  him,  and  begged  to  be  al- 
lowed to  pay  his  homage  on  another  occasion.  Ex- 
change of  family  news  naturally  took  place,  and  on 
his  next  visit  the  Chinese  gentleman  came  laden 
with  valuable  presents  specially  selected  for  the  re- 
spective children  of  his  casually  discovered  English 
friend. 

Instances  of  large-heartedness  in  money  matters 
in  which  foreigners  have  been  the  beneficiaries  are 
indeed  comparatively  common.  In  the  last  genera- 
tion they  were  still  more  so,  for  commerce,  especially 
that  portion  of  it  which  was  centred  in  Canton,  was 
conducted  in  a grander,  more  merchant-prince-like 
fashion  than  the  circumstances  of  our  day  admit  of. 
Complete  trust  was  the  rule  between  the  old  Hong 
merchants  and  the  European  and  American  traders, 
and  business  was  transacted  in  whole  ship-loads. 
The  friendly  relations  then  established  subsisted  for 
a generation  after  the  destruction  of  the  “factories,” 
in  1856,  and  the  inauguration  of  the  new  era,  which 
is  of  a more  individualized  and  retail  character. 
One  well  - known  survivor  of  the  old  regime,  an 
American  gentleman,  Mr.  X.,  who  was  alive  in  Can- 
ton in  1884,  had,  in  consequence  of  the  collapse  of 
his  firm,  fallen  from  affluence  to  penury,  and  was 
personally  deeply  in  debt  to  certain  of  the  repre- 

279 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


sentatives  of  the  old  “ co-hong.”  Seeing  that  the 
veteran  remained  on  in  Canton,  never  visiting  his 
home  and  family,  his  Chinese  friend  asked  him  why 
he  denied  himself  the  natural  solace  of  his  old  a2;e 
— permanent  separation  from  the  family  home  being 
specially  intolerable  to  a Chinese — and,  guessing  the 
reason,  it  is  said  he  produced  Mr,  X.’s  note  of  hand 
for  a large  amount,  and  tore  it  up  before  the  maker, 
saying,  “Now  are  you  free  to  return  to  your  home.'^” 
Whether  literally  accurate  in  its  details  or  not,  the 
mere  currency  of  such  a story  goes  a long  way  tow- 
ards proving  the  contention. 

Of  course  it  may  be  said  these  are  exceptional 
cases,  and  so  they  are.  But  the  question  is,  on 
which  side  is  the  exception — on  that  of  the  Chinese 
or  that  of  the  foreigners  ? If  more  of  the  latter  en- 
deavored to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  former  in 
the  natural  way,  would  not  the  experience  of  grate- 
ful, devoted,  and  trustworthy  Chinese  be  greatly  e.x- 
tended  ? And,  considering  the  race  antipathy  that 
keeps  them  apart,  the  fact  that  any  instances  at  all 
of  such  kindly  relations  ever  come  within  the  expe- 
rience of  foreigners  affords  strong  presumption  that 
among  themselves  the  Chinese  maintain  a more 
than  friendl}^  a really  generous,  intercourse. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  qualities  of  the  Chinese 
people,  considered  with  reference  to  their  utility  in 
the  future  development  of  their  country,  is  their 
marvellous  tolerance  of  things  disagreeable,  and 
their  invincible  contentment  under  all  circumstances. 
Every  traveller,  every  one  who  has  had  opportuni- 

280 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE 


ties  of  observing  them,  testifies  to  their  unfailing 
trood  - humor  under  every  kind  of  discomfort  and 
under  the  severest  bodily  toil.  Their  cheerfulness 
is  undaunted : neither  cold  nor  heat,  neither  hunger 
nor  fatigue,  has  power  to  depress  them,  nor  does 
misfortune,  or  natural  calamity,  or  sickness  provoke 
them  to  repine.  As  Giles  says,  “ They  seem  to 
have  accjuired  a national  habit  of  looking  upon  the 
bright  side.” 

According  to  A.  H.  Smith,  “ To  be  happy  is  more 
than  they  expect,  but  they  are  willing  to  be  as 
happy  as  they  can.”  Possibly  they  follow  Carlyle 
unknowingly,  and  do  not  recognize  “ happiness  ” at 
all  as  an  object  in  life,  and  therefore  they  enjoy  the 
more  of  it  — enjoy  all  they  get,  instead  of  vexing 
themselves  about  what  they  lack.  Smith  tells  us  of 
a Chinese  who  was  employed  by  a foreigner  — no 
doubt  himself — in  pushing  a heavy  wheelbarrow  on 
journeys,  often  months  in  duration. 

“Upon  these  trips  it  was  necessary  to  start  early, to  travel  late, 
to  transport  heavy  loads  over  steep  and  rugged  mountains,  in  all 
seasons  and  in  all  weathers,  fording  chilling  rivers  with  bare  feet 
and  legs,  and  at  the  end  of  every  stage  to  prepare  his  master's  food 
and  lodging.  All  this  laborious  work  was  done  for  a very  moderate 
compensation,  and  always  without  complaint;  and  at  the  end  of 
several  years  of  this  service  his  master  testified  that  he  had  never 
once  seen  this  servant  out  of  temper !” 

I may  venture  to  add,  on  my  own  account,  that  this 
description  seems  to  me  typical.  Now,  to  put  the 
merits  of  such  a placid  temper  on  the  lowest  utilita- 
rian grounds,  consider  what  an  economy  of  nervous 
friction  is  implied  in  a working  life  passed  in  such  a 

281 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


happy  frame  of  mind.  Is  it  not  alone  a source  of 
wealth  to  the  people  who  possess  it  ? 

Smith  adds  his  experience  of  the  Chinaman  in 
sickness. 

“ Their  cheery  hopefulness,”  he  says,  “ often  does  not  forsake 
them  in  physical  weakness  and  in  extreme  pain.  We  have  known 
multitudes  of  cases  where  Chinese  patients,  suffering  from  every 
variety  of  disease,  frequently  in  deep  poverty,  not  always  adequately 
nourished,  at  a distance  from  their  homes,  sometimes  neglected  or 
even  abandoned  by  their  relatives,  and  with  no  ray  of  hope  for  the 
future  visible,  yet  maintained  a cheerful  equanimity  of  temper 
which  was  a constant,  albeit  unintentional,  rebuke  to  the  nervous 
impatience  which,”  etc. 

He  concludes  his  chapter  with  the  observation, 
which  may  also  fitly  conclude  the  present  one:  “ If 
the  teaching  of  history  as  to  what  happens  to  ‘ the 
fittest  ’ is  to  be  trusted,  there  is  a magnificent  future 
for  the  Chinese  race.” 


CHAPTER  XI 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 

It  is  natural  that  every  serious  observer  of  Chinese 
life  should  exercise  his  mind  on  the  causes  of  the 
nation’s  longevity.  Several  of  our  best  writers, 
including  the  more  philosophical,  have,  with  a con- 
siderable amount  of  confidence,  assigned  quasi- 
scientific  grounds  for  the  perpetuity  of  China  in 
defiance  of  what  over  the  rest  of  the  earth’s  surface 
has  been  the  “ law  of  nations”  — the  succession  of 
youth,  maturity,  and  decay.  It  is  due  to  the  form  of 
government,  say  some,  the  principles  of  govern- 
ment, the  principle  of  the  selection  of  officials,  the 
chain  of  responsibility,  the  literature,  the  maxims 
of  Confucius  and  Mencius,  filial  piety,  and  the 
promise  attached  to  the  fifth  commandant  (the 
only  “ commandment,”  the  other  nine  being  pro- 
hibitions) of  the  Mosaic  decalogue,  and  so  on.  We 
cannot  consider  any  one  or  all  of  these,  or  sundry 
other  explanations,  as  satisfactory ; neither  do  we 
presume  to  offer  one.  The  true  cause  of  Chinese  per- 
manence is  probably  very  complex,  and  it  will  require 
a good  deal  more  of  sympathetic  and  persevering 
study  before  the  philosophy  of  the  Chinese  race  and 
policy  can  be  formulated  in  any  acceptable  manner. 

283 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Bat  of  the  contributory  causes  of  a national 
vitality  which  has  vanquished  all  conquerors,  cer- 
tainly not  the  least  interesting  is  the  faculty  of 
local  self-government  which  runs  in  the  Chinese 
blood.*  While  it  may  help  to  prevent  the  develop- 
ment of  nationality  in  its  wide  sense,  this  quality  of 
the  race  keeps  alive  the  constituents  of  nationality 
in  separate  small  communities,  and  in  a form  as 
indestructible  as  protoplasm,  which  cannot  in  fact  be 
broken  up  except  by  extermination.  Or  they  may 
be  likened  to  an  infinite  multitude  of  water-tight 
cells,  which  keep  the  whole  mass  afloat  in  the  most 
turbulent  sea.  And  supplementing  the  family  and 
village  groups  which  lie  at  the  bottom  of  the 
national  life,  which  are  rooted  in  the  soil  and 
have  their  fixed  rallying-points  visible  to  the  public 
eye,  are  an  indefinite  number  of  other  groupings — 
special,  variable,  not  territorially  attached  — which 
are  the  spontaneous  outcome  of  felt  needs,  wherein 
professions,  classes,  interests,  and  aims  form  the 
organic  pivot.  This  disposition  of  the  Chinese 

* “Amid  all  political  convulsions  the  people  have  remained  un- 
changed, and  that  mainly  because  they  are  a non-political  people. 
They  are  indifferent  to  affairs  of  State,  but  intent  on  their  own 
business.  Yet  the}'  have  the  faculty  of  self-government  developed 
in  an  eminent  degree.  They  are  quiet,  orderly,  and  industrious; 
averse  to  agitation  of  any  kind,  and  ready  to  endure  great  sacrifices 
for  the  sake  of  peace.  Such  a people  are  easily  governed,  and  their 
instinct  of  self-government  is  one  important  element  in  their  longevity 
as  a nation  ; it  has  enabled  successive  dynasties,  often  weak  and 
vacillating,  arbitrary  and  corrupt,  to  control  three  hundred  millions 
of  people.  This  constitutes  the  elasticity  by  which  they  regain  lost 
ground.” — The  Siberian  Overland  Route,  by  A.  Michie.  1864. 

284 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


people  to  arrange  themselves  in  special  organiza- 
tions or  coteries  is  clearly  congenital  and  its  action 
automatic,  as  in  the  elective  affinity  of  crystals ; for 
they  carry  it  with  them  wherever  they  go ; and  of 
them  it  may  be  truly  said  that  wherever  two  or 
three  are  gathered  together  they  will  promptly  form 
themselves  into  a “ society  ” of  some  sort. 

In  treating  of  the  Chinese  Government  in  a pre- 
vious chapter,  the  two  heterogeneous  departments — 
that  which  is  indigenous  to  the  soil  and  that  which 
has  been  imposed  from  without  or  from  above — 
were  indicated.  There  can  be  little  doubt  which  of 
the  two  is  the  more  ancient,  and,  paradox  though 
the  statement  may  seem,  there  is  equally  little  doubt 
which  is  the  more  authoritative.  It  is  the  peasant  who 
rules,  by  a human  right  which  no  “ Son  of  Heaven  ” 
dares  to  question.  When  he  does,  he  forfeits  his  own 
right,  and  another  will  soon  occupy  his  seat.  It  has 
been  the  wisdom  of  successive  dynasties  to  respect 
this  “ law  of  the  land,”  to  protect  the  people  in 
all  their  privileges,  and  to  base  on  this  universal 
suffrage  their  own  right  to  reign.  In  the  “ Shuking” 
— that  most  ancient  classic — three  canons  of  gov- 
ernment  are  laid  down,  of  which  one  is  “ That 
the  people  have  the  right  to  depose  a sovereign 
who  either  from  active  wickedness  or  vicious  indo- 
lence gives  cause  to  oppressive  or  tyrannical  rule.” 
“Public  opinion,”  says  Hue,  “is  always  ready  to 
check  any  excesses  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor, 
who  could  not,  without  exciting  general  indigna- 
tion, dare  to  violate  the  rights  of  any  of  his  sub- 

285 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


jects and  again,  though  “ they  are  in  general  sub- 
missive to  authority,  when  it  becomes  too  tyran- 
nical or  merely  fraudulent,  the  Chinese  sometimes 
rise  and  bend  it  to  their  will.”  Confucius  represents 
the  sovereignty  as  a sacred  mission  intrusted  for 
the  time  being  to  the  “ Son  of  Heaven,”  but  a success- 
ful revolutionary  easily  becomes  the  Elect  of  Heaven. 

The  rights  of  the  people  are  primarily  the 
possession  of  their  land,  freedom  of  industry  and 
trade,  and  the  control  of  their  local  affairs.  As 
to  the  land,  the  Emperor  is  in  theory  the  sole  pro- 
prietor of  the  soil — a convenient  legal  fiction  ; but  in 
practice  his  right  is  limited  to  the  collection  of  the 
land-tax,  except  in  case  of  rebellion  or  other  cause 
of  forfeiture.  And  it  is  a fundamental  law  of  the 
Empire  that  the  land-tax  can  never  be  increased. 
No  people  in  the  world,  says  Richthofen,  are  more 
exempt  from  official  interference. 

Nevertheless,  the  two  great  systems,  a centralized 
autocracy  and  a democratic  self-government,  are  far 
from  homogeneous ; they  resemble  two  extensive 
alien  territories  possessing  a long  common  frontier. 
With  the  greatest  submissiveness  on  the  one  side 
and  the  most  prudent  accommodation  on  the  other, 
there  must  be  friction  and  occasional  aggressions. 
The  benevolence  of  the  Emperor,  when  filtered 
down  through  nine  grades  of  officials,  may  be 
turned  to  vexation  and  sheer  tyranny  when  it 
reaches  the  last  rank,  which  is  in  contact  with  the 
people.  The  question  must  therefore  be  never 
absent  from  consideration  how  the  people  are  to 

286 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


defend  themseh'es  from  arbitrary  officials ; and,  as 
the  question  must  have  arisen  in  primitive  times,  it 
has  of  course  been  long  since  answered  by  expe- 
rience. In  public  affairs  the  people  have  no  share 
whatever;  the  elective  principle  does  not  operate 
above  the  village  or  group  of  villages,  whose  head- 
man is  the  go-between,  the  joint,  between  the  people 
and  the  Government.  But  it  is  a weak  joint,  quite 
inadequate  to  the  duties  expected  of  it,  and  is  only 
maintained  in  working  order  by  being  spared,  as 
much  as  possible,  the  strain  of  actual  use.  Having 
no  representative  system  through  which  their  griev- 
ances could  be  made  known,  the  censors  would  ap- 
pear to  be  the  sole  constitutional  machinery  for  the 
protection  of  the  people  from  rapacity  or  tyranny. 
But  they  number  only  two  to  a province  as  large  as 
a kingdom,  and  they  share  in  the  common  corrup- 
tion, so  that  there  is  practically  no  means  provided 
by  the  State  whereby  the  oppressed  may  obtain  a 
hearing  in  the  superior  courts.  This  seems  a serious 
defect  in  a system  which  is  so  elaborate  and  which 
is  based  on  popular  content.  But  what  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution  have  failed  to  supply  in  a regu- 
lar manner  the  exigencies  of  their  life  have  com- 
pelled the  nation  to  provide  by  irregular  means.  In 
the  absence  of  a tribunal  they  simply  take  the  law 
into  their  own  hands — a rough-and-ready,  cruel,  and 
often  disastrous  remedy  for  grievances.  In  small 
local  questions  the  populace  will  sometimes  resent 
an  imposition  by  seizing  the  official  sent  to  enforce 
it,  dragging  him  by  the  heels  out  of  his  sedan-chair, 

287 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


pulling  his  official  boots  off — a great  indignity — and 
throwing  him  into  the  nearest  ditch.  That  ends  the 
matter  — it  is  the  last  court  of  appeal.  The  magis- 
trate who  has  failed  is  reprimanded  as  incompetent, 


Centres  of  Mohammedan 
Revolt. 


Tracts  wasted  by  the 
Insurrection  of  1870 — 75. 


Range  of  the 
Miaotze  Insurrection. 


PROVINCES  RAVAGED  BY  MOHAMMEDAN  RISINGS 


and  sent  to  another  part  of  the  country,  although 
the  governor  who  thus  condemns  him  be  himself 
the  culpable  party.  In  this  we  see  how  much 
officialism  in  China  resembles  that  in  Christian 
countries. 

When  the  grievance  is  more  wide-spread  and  is 
long  continued,  and  the  officials  are  obstinate,  there 

288 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


may  be  what  is  called  a local  rising,  which  has  to  be 
put  down  by  massacre ; else  the  smoking  llax  may 
spread  to  a conflagration.  And  this,  the  ultimate 
remedy  in  the  West,  is  the  proximate  remedy  in  the 
East,  for  want  of  any  adequate  intermediate  machin- 
ery of  redress. 

Thus  the  sacred  “ right  of  rebellion  ” has  asserted 
itself  in  China.  Meadows,  writing  in  the  midst  of 
the  Taiping  devastation  and  in  immediate  touch 
with  its  horrors,  justified  it  by  elaborate  arguments, 
and  showed  historically  that  such  outbreaks  had 
been  an  essential  feature  in  the  nation’s  develop- 
ment. China  has,  indeed,  been  called  the  classic 
ground  of  revolutions,  as  many  as  twelve  having 
occurred  between  420  and  1644  a.d.  ; but  rebellions 
have  been  innumerable.  The  Empire  is  never,  in- 
deed, free  from  them  ; they  are  of  all  dimensions, 
and  of  varied  durations.  During  the  past  forty 
years  there  have  been  many  important  ones.  The 
province  of  Yunnan  has  been  depopulated  by  them; 
likewise  Kweichau ; several  times  have  serious  re- 
bellions, besides  that  of  Yakub  Beg,  arisen  among 
the  Mohammedans  in  the  northwest  of  China  proper 
itself;  the  great  Taiping  calamity  was  followed  by 
numerous  smaller  insurrections  in  the  province  of 
Shantung  and  in  Kansu  and  Shensi. 

In  the  rebellions  of  1865 — when  China  lost  con- 
trol of  Shensi,  Kansu,  and  Kashgaria — the  opera- 
tions were  carried  on  in  the  usual  desultory  Chinese 
fashion.  Tso,  who  crushed  the  rebellion,  had  as 
many  as  100,000  troops  under  his  command,  and  was 

T 289 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


more  energetic  than  is  usual ; but  it  was  by  making 
roads,  by  starving  out  the  towns,  and  especially  by 
the  employment  of  diplomacy — namely,  by  the  judi- 
cious use  of  “ rewards,”  and  by  winning  over  the 
Mohammedan  religious  leaders  through  titles  and 
buttons — that  the  Chinese  “ strategy  ” eventually  was 
successful. 

The  rebellion  in  Kansu,  in  1896,  was  conducted 
in  much  the  same  fashion,  but  the  Mohammedans 
were  in  smaller  numbers  and  showed  a less  decided 
front.  In  their  risings  the  Moslems  have  always 
failed  for  want  of  concerted  action ; they  worked  in 
isolated  bands,  and  therefore  were  only  able  to  de- 
vastate the  country,  cut  off  straggling  bodies  of  the 
Chinese  troops,  or  massacre  the  inhabitants  of  out- 
lying villages.  Nothing  could  possibly  have  demon- 
strated more  clearly  in  recent  times  the  total  ab- 
sence, on  the  part  of  the  Chinese,  of  the  organization 
and  discipline,  necessary  in  modern  warfare,  than  the 
campaign  conducted  by  the  Chinese  in  Kansu.  And 
yet  for  all  particulars  of  that  civil  war  we  are  in- 
debted to  the  missionaries,  the  whole  episode  hardly 
obtaining  a paragraph  in  the  Western  Press. 

Whatever  provocation  there  may  have  been  for 
the  original  outbreaks  in  any  or  all  of  these  cases, 
it  was  completely  eclipsed  by  the  atrocities  of  the 
insurgents;  and  the  conclusion  that  the  average 
man  would  probably  arrive  at  in  balancing  the  pros 
and  cojis  would  be  the  very  obvious  one  that  the 
remedy  was  worse  than  the  disease.  Yet  these 
scourges  do  serve  a purpose — that  of  holding  up  to 

290 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


Original  Seat  of  the  Insurrection, 
one  of  the  Greatest  Devastation. 


C Perron. 

Zones  of  the  Spread  of  the  InsuiTectioa, 


REGIONS  DEVASTATED  BY  THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  authorities  the  risk  of  an  uprising  wherever 
there  is  misgovernment — a fear  which  weighs  on  all 
provincial  officials,  and  imbues  them  with  their  guid- 
ing principle  of  action,  peace-at-any-price. 

The  Chinese  people,  however,  have  other  and  less 
tragic  methods  of  expressing  themselves,  and  of 
maintaining  democratic  rights  as  against  the  aggres- 
sions of  despotism.  The  most  notorious  are  their 
secret  societies.  Some  of  these  aim  at  revolution, 
as  the  great  Triad  Society  (Heaven,  Earth,  and 
Man),  which  seeks  more  “light”  (ming);  but,  as 
“ ming  ” was  also  the  appellation  of  the  last  native 
dynasty,  Giles  suggests  that  the  word  is  used  in  the 
latter  sense.  It  is  not  easy  to  get  at  the  real  objects 
or  the  actual  working  of  this  and  other  “ secret  ” 
societies,  else  w^ere  the  epithet  a misnomer.  They 
are  proscribed  by  Government,  and  secrecy  is  main- 
tained even  as  to  membership.  Some  facts,  how- 
ever, are  obtainable  respecting  them  wffiere  large 
bodies  of  Chinese  happen  to  settle  in  British  or 
Dutch  colonies.  Even  there,  also,  the  Triads  were 
at  one  time  feared  and  proscribed  by  law;  but  for 
many  years  past  they  have  been  recognized,  as  trade- 
unions  have  been  in  Great  Britain ; and  perfectly 
good  relations  now  subsist  between  them  and  the 
Colonial  Governments  of  Hongkong  and  Singapore. 
Mr.  W.  A.  Pickering,  who,  as  Protector  of  Chinese 
in  the  Straits  Administration,  had  special  opportu- 
nities of  informing  himself  regarding  the  organiza- 
tions of  the  brotherhood,  has  given  many  interesting 
particulars  concerning  them.  Some  account  of  the 

292 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


establishment  of  the  Triad  Society  in  1674  is  given 
in  tlie  introductions  to  its  manuals,  and  in  a sketch 
of  the  history  of  the  society  since  its  creation,  which 
Mr.  Pickering  had  occasion  to  study.  In  its  origin 
it  was  a purely  political  society,  but  it  has  in  recent 
times  become  the  refuge  for  doubtful  characters, 
who  use  the  organization  for  their  own  purposes, 
lawless  and  otherwise  — for  prosecuting  vendetta 
warfare,  and  so  forth.  The  funds  are  raised  by 
general  subscription,  levied  chiefly  upon  the  gam- 
bling establishments  in  the  various  districts,  and  the 
“ lodges  ” or  branches  are  in  effect  so  many  rival 
organizations. 

Whatever  the  original  aim  of  these  societies,  they 
have  all  wandered  far  from  it,  in  the  process  of  time 
and  under  changing  circumstances,  and  they  tend  to 
become  the  mere  tools  of  private  schemers  or  the 
hobbies  of  busybodies  and  agitators.  As  the  reason 
for  their  existence  disappears,  as  is  the  case  in 
British  colonies,  they  become  more  and  more  de- 
graded. But  so  long  as  the  organization  is  kept  up, 
and  the  ritual  is  carried  out,  the  society  is  ready  to 
be  put  to  any  use  which  may  tempt  its  leaders.  In 
the  mean  time,  while  waiting  for  higher  game,  the 
wire-pullers  busy  themselves  in  plots  to  obstruct  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  whether  in  China  or  in  foreign 
countries  where  the  Chinese  cono^reo-ate. 

An  initiatory  ceremony  in  one  of  the  lodges  of 
Singapore  was  witnessed  by  Mr.  Pickering,  which 
lasted  from  10  p.m.  until  three  in  the  morniufr.  The- 
oretically  the  meetings  of  the  League  are  held  in 

293 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


“the  mountains,”  and  new  members,  when  asked 
where  they  were  initiated,  are  instructed  to  reply, 
“ In  the  mountains,  for  fear  of  the  ‘ Cheng’  officials.” 
In  the  Straits  the  Grand  Lodge  has  a superior  build- 
ing, where,  twice  a year,  the  “ Five  Ancestors  ” are 
worshipped,  and  feasts  are  held  in  their  honor  by 
the  nine  branches  of  the  “Ghee  Hin”  Society.  The 
office  of  Grand  Master  has  fallen  into  abeyance,  but 
each  branch  is  managed  by  four  office  - bearers — 
the  General  Manager,  a Master  of  Lodge,  a “ Van- 
guard,” a “Red  Baton”  or  Executioner  — and  a 
varying  number  of  Councillors  and  district  head- 
men, who  have  to  carry  out  orders. 

The  character  of  the  society  in  the  Straits  is 
illustrated  by  an  address  made  by  the  Grand  Master 
of  the  Lodges  in  Mr.  Pickering’s  presence : 


“ Many  of  our  oaths  and  ceremonies  are  needless  and  obsolete, 
as,  under  the  British  Government,  there  is  no  necessity  for  some  of 
the  rules,  and  the  laws  of  this  country  do  not  allow  us  to  carry  out 
others ; the  ritual  is,  however,  retained  for  old  custom’s  sake. 

“The  real  benefits  you  will  receive  by  joining  our  society  are, 
that  if  “outsiders”  oppress  you,  or  in  case  you  get  into  trouble,  on 
application  to  the  head-men  they  will,  in  minor  cases,  take  you  to 
the  Registrars  of  Secret  Societies,  the  Inspector-General  of  Police, 
and  the  Protector  of  Chinese,  who  will  certainly  assist  you  to  ob- 
tain redress;  in  serious  cases,  we  will  assist  you  towards  procuring 
legal  advice.” 


hlr.  Pickering  was  informed  by  old  office-bearers 
of  the  society  that  as  late  as  1840  the  punishments 
of  the  League  were  inflicted  without  remission,  and 
that,  on  one  occasion,  several  strangers — “ draughts 
of  wind,”  as  they  are  termed — were  beheaded  for 

294 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


merely  being  present  at  a secret  meeting  held  in  the 
jungle. 

China  Vs,  par  exccllmce,  a country  “honeycombed 
with  secret  societies,”  and  with  many  which  are  not 
secret.  What  has  been  said  about  the  Triad  applies 
in  the  main  to  the  “ White  Lily,”  the  Kolao,  and 
others,  which  give  their  attention  to  politics  in  their 
intervals  of  mummery.  Some  societies  may  be 
properly  termed  sects,  seeing  that  they  require  a 
strict  observance  of  certain  rules  of  private  conduct. 
Vegetarian  societies  are  common,  and  the  Tsai  li 
sect,  in  Northern  China,  which  enjoins  abstinence 
not  only  from  animal  food  but  from  alcohol  and 
narcotics,  is  said  to  number  200,000  members.  Even 
these,  however,  on  occasion  play  a political  part, 
and  an  outbreak  in  Mongolia  in  1S91,  which  be- 
came an  insurrection,  originated  in  a misunder- 
standing between  the  Tsai  li  sect  and  the  Catholic 
converts  and  priests — a quarrel  which  had  no  rela- 
tion to  religion  or  morals,  but  to  purely  mundane 
interests. 

As  a political  agency  it  must  be  owned  that  the 
secret  societies  are  not  very  efficacious  in  China; 
indeed  of  politics,  as  the  term  is  used  in  Europe,  the 
Chinese  seem  to  have  no  conception.  They  only 
feel  where  the  shoe  pinches,  and  resent  local  injuries 
by  local  weapons — such  as  mobbing  a mandarin  or 
lampooning  him.  The  common  vehicle  for  convey- 
ing the  sense  of  the  community  is  the  placard,  which 
Hue  rightly  calls  “a  very  powerful  organ  of  public 
opinion.” 


29s 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  great  fact  to  be  noted,  as  between  the  Chi- 
nese and  their  Government,  is  the  almost  unex- 
ampled liberty  which  the  people  enjoy,  and  the 
infinitesimally  small  part  which  Government  plays 
in  the  scheme  of  national  life.  It  is  the  more 
necessary  to  emphasize  this,  that  a contrary  opin- 
ion is  not  uncommon  among  those  who  are  unac- 
cpiainted  with  the  country.  The  Chinese  have  per- 
fect freedom  of  industry  and  trade,  of  locomotion, 
of  amusement,  and  of  religion,  and  whatever  may 
be  required  for  regulation  or  protection  is  not  sup- 
plied by  Act  of  Parliament  or  by  any  kind  of  Gov- 
ernment interference,  but  by  voluntary  associations; 
of  these  the  Government  takes  no  cognizance,  though 
it  may  sometimes  come  into  collision  with  them — 
never  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  popular  institution. 
Every  trading  interest  has  its  own  guild,  which 
maintains  order  among  the  members,  acting  as  a 
Court  of  Arbitration,  and  for  breach  of  regulations 
enforcing  penalties,  which  usually  take  the  form  of 
payment  for  a theatrical  representation  or  a feast. 
When  the  local  authorities  propose  to  put  a new  or 
increased  tax  on  merchandise,  it  is  usually  made  the 
occasion  for  a conference  and  bargain  between  the 
parties;  and  when  these  cannot  agree,  the  particular 
trade  affected  brings  the  officials  to  terms  by  simply 
closing  business  until  satisfaction  is  obtained.  For- 
eign merchants  also  come  occasionally  into  collision 
with  the  guilds,  whose  decisions  in  case  of  dispute 
sometimes  appear  to  them  arbitrary  and  unjust;  but 
this  notion  may  be  attributed  to  the  opposite  points 

296 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 

of  view  from  which  the  question  is  approached  by 
the  respective  parties,  as  has  been  noted  in  a pre- 
vious chapter.  But  it  would  appear  that  experience 
renders  the  foreign  commercial  bodies  more  tolerant 
of  the  Chinese  guilds,  as  the  Colonial  Governments 
become  more  tolerant  of  the  Triad  Society;  and  in 
several  instances  the  local  guilds  have  even  been 
appealed  to  by  Chambers  of  Commerce  in  a fair 
and  friendly  spirit. 

Thus,  in  all  practical  matters — politics  not  being 
considered  such — the  Chinese  genius  for  association 
has  the  freest  play  and  achieves  most  useful  results. 
So  thoroughly  national,  or  racial,  is  the  institution, 
that  individual  isolation  is  unknown.  Nobody  stands 
alone,  says  Hue;  and  no  commercial  firm  or  bank 
stands  alone.  The  system  of  association  here  fits 
in  with  the  principle  of  linked  responsibility,  and 
provides  a guarantee  most  valuable  for  business. 
As  the  London  bankers  came  to  the  rescue  of 
Barings,  so  do  the  Chinese  sometimes  unite  to  sup- 
port a member  of  the  guild.  In  the  case  of  bankers, 
indeed,  the  guarantee  is  in  constant  action,  all  those 
who  belong  to  the  inner  circle  being  strictly  bound 
to  aid  each  other  in  emergency,  and  prevent  catas- 
trophe. This  makes  it  virtually  impossible  for  a 
bank  of  the  first  class  to  fail,  except  by  some  flagrant 
breach  of  propriety. 

Benefit  and  tontine  societies  of  all  sorts  abound 
throughout  the  country  — anti -gambling  societies, 
associations  for  protection  from  thieves,  associations 
of  girls  who  forswear  marriage  and  agree  to  take 

297 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


poison  rather  than  be  forced  into  that  “honorable 
estate,”  vigilance  committees,  and  hundreds  of  others. 
In  a word,  the  country  is  full  of  societies  of  every 
kind,  which  fill  up  a very  important  space  in  the 
life  of  the  Chinese  people. 

Even  the  poor,  as  Hue  tells  us. 


“are  formed  into  companies,  regiments,  and  battalions,  and  this 
great  army  of  paupers  has  a chief,  who  bears  the  title  of  ‘ King  of 
the  Beggars,’  and  who  is  actually  recognized  by  the  State.  He  is 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  tattered  subjects,  and  it  is  on 
him  the  blame  is  laid  when  any  disorders  occur  among  them  that 
are  too  outrageous  and  dangerous  to  public  peace  to  be  endured. 
The  ‘King  of  the  Beggars’  at  Peking  is  a real  power.  . . . While 
they  swarm  about  like  some  devastating  insects,  and  seek  by  their 
insolence  to  intimidate  every  one  they  meet,  their  King  calls  a 
meeting  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  and  proposes,  for  a certain 
sum,  to  deliver  them  from  the  hideous  invasion.  After  a long  dis- 
pute, the  contracting  parties  come  to  an  agreement,  the  village  pays 
its  ransom,  and  the  beggars  decamp,  to  go  and  pour  down  like  an 
avalanche  upon  some  other  place.” 


Doolittle  explains  the  diplomacy  of  the  “ King,” 
who  is  enriched  by  the  industry  of  his  subjects : 


“ A head-man  of  the  beggars  may  make  an  agreement  with  the 
shopkeepers,  merchants,  and  bankers  within  his  district  that 
beggars  shall  not  visit  their  shops,  warehouses,  and  banks  for 
money  for  a stipulated  time,  and  the  beggars  are  obliged  to  con- 
form to  the  agreement.  Religious  mendicants  or  refugees  from 
other  provinces  do  not  come  under  these  regulations.  The  head- 
man receives  from  each  of  the  principal  business  firms  with  which 
he  comes  to  an  agreement  a sum  of  money,  from  a few  to  ten  or 
twenty  dollars  per  annum,  as  the  price  of  e.xemption  from  the  im- 
portunities of  beggars,  and  in  proof  of  the  agreement  he  gives  a 
strip  of  red  paper  on  which  is  written  or  printed,  The  brethren 
must  not  come  here  to  disturb  or  annoy." 

298 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


The  beggars,  in  their  rags  and  loathsomeness, 
are  unpleasant  objects,  but  they  know  that  however 
aggressive  they  may  be,  even  to  pawing  a smart 
foreigner  with  their  scaly  fingers,  they  are  immune 
from  chastisement,  and  they  naturally  presume  on 
their  immunity.  They  may  be  abused  with  the  full 
artillery  of  Chinese  objurgations,  but  that  makes  no 
impression  on  them.  Yet  even  they  are  ruled  by 
etiquette,  and  have  their  professional  code,  like  all 
other  sections  of  society.  They  must  not  call  at 
private  houses,  except  on  certain  special  occasions 
of  mourning  or  festivity,  but  that  privilege  may  be 
also  compounded  for  by  a covenant  between  the 
head  of  the  family  and  the  chief  of  the  beggars. 
The  roadside  is  always  free  to  them,  and  visitors  to 
Peking  know  how  the  main  approaches  to  the  city 
are  lined  with  the  whining  fraternity.  They  are 
sometimes  really  enterprising,  and  Doolittle  relates 
the  circumstance  of  the  burial  of  a native  Christian 
in  Fuchau,  when  “a  company  of  beggars  and  of 
lepers  gathered  round  the  grave  and  demanded 
20,000  cash  as  the  condition  of  allowing  the  coffin 
to  be  lowered.  One  of  the  rabble  actually  got  down 
into  the  grave,  and  thus  prevented  the  lowering  of 
the  coffin.”  They  eventually  compromised  for  800 
cash. 

Nor  does  the  faculty  of  association  end  with  the 
Beggar  Guild.  The  thieves  are  also  organized,  and 
have  their  codes  of  honor,  more  elaborate  than  Dick 
Turpin’s.  There  are  certain  matters  in  which  igno- 
rance is  more  affected  than  knowledge,  at  least  by 

299 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  respectable  Chinese,  and  no  one  of  them  can  be 
found  to  boast  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  articles 
of  association  of  the  fraternity  of  thieves ; but  these 
are  known  by  their  fruits.  Even  foreigners,  who 
know  so  little  of  the  real  life  of  the  Chinese,  have 
observed  some  curious  phenomena  in  connection 
with  their  own  residence  in  China.  It  is  customary 
to  keep  a door-keeper  and  a night-watchman.  The 
duty  of  the  latter  is  to  jog  round  the  premises  at 
long  intervals,  beating  the  watches  on  a rattle  or 
gong;  then  he  subsides  into  the  sleep  of  the  man 
who  has  done  his  duty,  for  half  an  hour  or  an  hour, 
as  the  case  may  be.  Every  opportunity  and  encour- 
agement is  thus  offered  to  the  house-breaker,  but  he 
does  not  take  advantage  of  it.  Let  the  householder, 
however,  seeing — what  is  perfectly  evident — that  his 
watchman  does  “ watch,”  only  part  with  that  func- 
tionary, and  then  it  is  ten  to  one  if  the  burglar  does 
not  promptly  make  his  presence  felt.  A blind  and 
deaf  old  dotard  may  prove  an  economical  form  of 
insurance ! 

The  potency  of  the  Thief  Guild  is  felt  in  many 
ways.  In  the  north  of  China,  for  example,  highway 
robbery  is  not  unknown  — indeed,  is  sometimes 
alarmingly  prevalent.  But  there  is  a valuable  traffic 
on  wheels,  a very  slow  traffic,  over  exceedingly  bad 
roads,  most  favorable  for  attack.  Between  Peking 
and  Tientsin,  in  particular,  there  is  a constant  ex- 
change of  silver  bullion  for  gold,  and  large  amounts 
of  treasure  are  conveyed  on  Government  and  mer- 
cantile account.  The  conveyance  is  the  common 


300 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


travelling  cart  of  the  country,  the  custodian  an  ill- 
paid  driver.  There  may  sometimes  be  an  extra  man, 
with  a rusty  spear  or  an  antiquated  musket,  riding 
on  the  shaft  of  the  cart.  But  no  harm  ever  comes 
to  those  expeditions  of  the  precious  metals.  Whence 
comes  their  security?  The  livery-stable,  or  “cart 
company,”  which  undertakes  the  conveyance,  makes 
none  of  those  exceptions  to  its  liability  about  “ acts 
of  God  and  Queen’s  enemies,”  and  a host  of  other 
matters,  which  make  the  modern  bill  of  lading  such  a 
voluminous  document.  The  Chinaman  undertakes 
absolutely  to  deliver  the  treasure.  He  guarantees 
it  against  all  accidents  whatever;  and  the  remark- 
able  feature  in  the  transaction  is  that,  for  the  trans- 
port, including  plenary  insurance,  the  charge  is  ri- 
diculously  small  — not  a per  “centage,”  but  a per 
“mileage”  on  the  value.  Yet  the  business  is  remu- 
nerative,  the  owners  of  carts  and  mules  prosper,  and 
are  men  of  substance  sufficient  to  make  good  any 
loss  that  may  be  brought  home  to  them.  But  evi- 
dently they  make  no  losses.  Out  of  their  fractional 
charge  they  no  doubt  spare  a trifle  for  some  occult 
personage,  as  one  would  pay  to  gain  the  favor  of  the 
King  of  the  Fairies,  and  thus  all  the  world  is  con- 
tent. Weird  stories  are  sometimes  heard  of  the 
diplomacy  of  the  King  of  the  Thieves,  and  the  ef- 
ficacy of  a dingy  little  flag  to  protect  untold  wealth 
in  silver  and  gold,  but  it  is  a subject  on  which  it  is 
precisely  those  who  know  the  most  who  have  the 
least  to  say. 

It  is  only  fitful  glimpses  which  strangers  are  able 

301 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  obtain  of  the  inner  \vorking  of  Chinese  national 
life — quite  insufficient  to  form  a coherent  theory  of 
the  whole,  except  by  supplementing  what  is  known 
by  inferences  drawn  as  to  the  mass  which  remains 
unknowii.  But  the  data  ascertained  seem  sufficient 
to  warrant  the  inference  of  a vast,  self  - governed, 
law-abiding  society,  costing  practically  nothing  to 
maintain,  and  having  nothing  to  apprehend  save 
natural  calamities  and  national  upheavals.  Perhaps 
the  least-understood  feature  in  the  Chinese  democ- 
racy is  the  sentiment  by  which  the  innumerable 
societies  are  held  together,  and  by  which,  in  fact,  the 
whole  scheme  of  self-s:overnment  is  sustained.  That 
is  a proposition  which  is,  pj'ima  facie,  contradictory 
of  many  observed  facts ; it  is  opposed  to  the  com- 
mon opinion  which  has  been  so  well  illustrated  by 
Arthur  H.  Smith,  in  his  chapter  on  the  “Absence 
of  Altruism”;  }'et  it  is  established  on  no  less  incon- 
trovertible evidence  than  this,  that  the  principle  of 
self-sacrifice  is  an  essential  element  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  Chinese  social  institutions.  It  is  often  cited 
as  an  example  of  Chinese  eccentricity  that  a sub- 
stitute may  be  hired  to  undergo  capital  punishment. 
But  if  we  consider  the  number  of  occasions  on  which 
self-immolation  is  practised  to  gain  an  object,  we  can 
hardly  dispose  of  them  all  as  eccentric  freaks.  They 
proceed  from  some  principle  which  we  do  not  as 
yet  understand.  Suicide,  which  is  penal  under  Eng- 
lish law,  is  meritorious  in  China.  The  sacrifice 
of  a widow  on  her  husband’s  demise,  whether  by 
hanging,  poisoning,  or  drowning,  still  exists,  and 

302 


CHINESE  DEMOCRACY 


such  widows  receive  posthumous  honors.  The  de- 
votion of  a daughter  who,  in  despair  of  other  rem- 
edy, gives  her  sick  father  her  own  flesh  to  eat,  is 
always  highly  commended  in  the  Peking  Gazette. 
To  be  avenged  on  his  adversary,  a man  will  commit 
suicide  on  his  enemy’s  threshold.  It  is  related  of 
Cheo  and  Chang,  leaders  of  a riot  in  Ningpo  to  re- 
duce taxation,  that  they  surrendered  themselves  to 
certain  death — although  they  defeated  the  Govern- 
ment forces — in  order  to  gain  their  object  and  put 
an  end  to  the  contest  without  the  further  shedding 
of  blood.  And  so  we  find,  running  like  a thread 
through  the  complicated  web  of  Chinese  social  life, 
a constant  readiness  to  die  when  the  need  arises, 
and  one  cannot  but  consider  this  an  element  of 
strength  and  stability  in  the  Chinese  nation,  espe- 
cially if  we  regard  this  spirit  of  sacrifice  in  its  rela- 
tion to  the  family  cult,  which  is  to  the  Chinese  the 
realization  of  immortality. 


CHAPTER  XII 


HONGKONG 

The  present  moment  is  a fitting  one  to  sur- 
vey the  history  and  consider  the  characteristics  of 
Hongkong,  and  to  note  the  lessons  contained  there- 
in. Hongkong  is  usually  regarded  as  merely  a fine 
port  through  which  passes  yearly  an  immense 
amount  of  shipping,  and  which  has  a vast  distribut- 
ing commerce ; in  fact,  it  is  looked  upon  as  only  a 
vast  cnti'epbt  of  trade.  Steamship  lines,  it  is  known, 
place  the  island  in  direct  communication  with  Great 
Britain,  Australasia,  and  \"ancouver,  and  also  with 
Japan,  Tongking,  the  Straits,  Siam,  the  Philippines, 
Corea,  and  China — in  fact,  with  the  entire  field  of 
the  Far  East.  But  Honcrkons:  is  something:  more 
than  a mere  entj'epbt  of  trade.  From  the  very  first, 
there  was  never  any  intention  of  creating  a colony 
there.  Besides  an  emporium  of  commerce,  it  was 
meant  to  be  -x  place  d'armes.  “We  occupy  Hong- 
kong,” said  Lord  Derby,  at  the  time  of  its  cession 
to  England,  “ not  with  the  object  of  colonizing,  but 
of  using  it  from  a commercial  and  military  point  of 
view.”  The  island  was  chosen  not  without  the  full- 
est consideration  as  to  the  most  suitable  position 
for  occupation  on  the  China  coast.  The  advantages 

304 


HONGKONG 


of  Chusan,  among  other  places,  had  been  fully 
weighed,  as  evidently  commanding  a more  central 
position ; but  the  situation  of  Hongkong  with  refer- 
ence to  Canton,  then  the  great  trading  city  of  China, 
d.ecided  the  question,  for  considerations  of  trade 
were  then  not  merely  of  greater  importance  than 
they  now  are,  but  were  paramount. 

Though  officially  classed  as  one  of  the  Crown 
colonies,*  Hongkong  is  not  a colony  in  which  the 
British  race  is  perpetuated — as  in  Australasia,  for 
instance.  It  is  not  even  a settlement  with  resources 
of  its  own,  but  merely  a station,  partly  military, 
partly  gommercial,  deriving  its  sole  importance  from 
the  trade  passing  through  its  port.  There  is  much 
to  admire,  much  to  marvel  at,  in  the  magnificent 
commerce  which  has  been  built  up  on  a barren 
rock — a mere  dot  in  the  China  Sea ; and  the  place 
affords  a great  object-lesson  as  to  what  can  be 
achieved  by  the  Chinese  under  the  guidance  and 
rule  of  a Western  Power.  It  is,  in  fact,  a Chinese 
colony  under  the  auspices  of  the  British  Govern- 

* British  colonies  have  been  divided  into  three  categories;  i. 
Crown  colonies,  such  as  Ceylon,  which  are  subject  to  the  control  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and  to  which  the  Home 
Government  supplies  laws  and  officials  ; 2.  Colonies,  such  as  Bar- 
badoes,  which  possess  representative  institutions,  but  not  a respon- 
sible Government,  the  Home  Government  reserving  the  right  of 
vetoing  legislative  measures  and  of  appointing  public  functionaries; 
3.  Colonies,  such  as  Canada,  which  have  both  representative  insti- 
tutions and  a responsible  Government  which  fills  up  all  appoint- 
ments, the  Home  Government  merely  reserving  the  right  (rarely 
exercised)  of  vetoing  legislative  measures  and  of  nominating  the 
Governor. 


U 


305 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


ment,  and  a colony,  too,  so  close  to  the  coast  of 
China  and  to  Canton — the  chief  commercial  city  of 
the  Empire — as  to  almost  form  part  of  the  main- 
land itself.  In  the  Straits  Settlements,  in  Labuan, 
in  North  Borneo,  and  in  Burma  there  are  large  and 
increasing  Chinese  communities,  as  there  are  also  in 
Australia,  British  Columbia,  and  other  British  colo- 
nies. But  it  is  only  in  Hongkong  that  a purely 
Chinese  population  is  found  living  under  the  British 
rule,  and  that  Britain  finds  herself  in  direct  relation 
with  China.  If  any  lesson  is  to  be  learned  from  the 
history  of  Hongkong,  it  is  the  clear  indication  af- 
forded of  what  can  be  accomplished  in  China  itself 
when  the  great  resources  of  that  country  come  to  be 
developed  by  the  Western  Powers. 

The  island  of  Hongkong,  one  of  a scattered 
group  known  as  the  Ladrones,  situated  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Canton  River,  stands  at  the  base  of 
a sector  embracing  in  its  curve  Yokohama,  Shang- 
hai, Singapore,  Java,  and  Australia.  It  is  the  end 
of  the  chain  of  British  dependencies  dotting  the 
south  coast  of  Asia,  of  which  Singapore  is  a pow- 
erful link,  and  is  the  easternmost  post  in  the  circle 
of  British  possessions,  divided  by  the  Pacific  Ocean 
from  the  extreme  western  point,  Vancouver  Island. 
It  occupies  a unique  position,  therefore,  with  regard 
to  China  and  Japan,  and,  situated  as  it  is,  must  take 
a leading  part  in  the  development  of  the  Pacific, 
where  history  is  being  rapidly  made.  The  Pacific 
must  occupy  an  increasingly  important  position  in 
the  evolution  of  the  world’s  history.  Not  merely 

306 


HONGKONG 


the  leading  countries  of  Europe,  but  also  the  United 
States,  have  entered  upon  a struggle  to  obtain  the 
control  of  countries  adjacent  to  this  ocean,  and  of 
the  neiehborinfj  islands.  In  this  shifting  of  the 
balance  of  power,  in  this  commercial  and  political 
contest,  and  in  the  working  out  of  the  destinies  of 
the  Far  East,  Hongkong,  the  pivot  of  British  opera- 
tions in  that  part  of  the  world,  will  play  no  unim- 
portant part. 

The  history  of  a place  like  Hongkong  is  a curi- 
ous study.  The  European  population  is  constantly 
changing,  for  foreigners  remain  as  short  a period  as 
possible — they  come  to  make  a fortune  or  compe- 
tency, and  then  return  to  the  mother-country.  It  is 
this  continual  change  of  local  leaders  \yhich  makes 
it  so  difficult  to  trace  any  distinct  evolution  of  local, 
as  distinguished  from  imperial,  policy.  The  same 
mistakes,  the  same  criticisms,  the  same  apprehen- 
sions, recur  again  and  again;  the  experiences  of  those 
who  have  left  the  place  being  too  rapidly  lost  sight  of. 

The  proximity  of  Hongkong  to  China,  and  the 
fact  that  the  colony  includes  a promontory  of  the 
mainland,  creates  special  difficulties  as  regards  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order.  Owing  to  its  posi- 
tion, Hongkong  may  be  regarded  as  a mere  suburb 
of  Canton,  not  only  the  richest  and  most  populous, 
but  also  one  of  the  most  disorderly  cities  of  the 
Chinese  Empire.  It  has  always  been  a favorite  re- 
sort for  the  criminal  classes  of  the  Canton  province, 
and  is  the  starting-point  for  the  Chinese  emigrants, 
men  from  the  southern  provinces,  on  their  way  to 

307 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Western  lands.  Special  ordinances  have,  therefore, 
been  enforced  from  time  to  time  to  check  the  influx 
of  criminals,  to  prevent  the  undue  influence  of  the 


secret  societies,  and  to  insure  that  coolie  emigration 
does  not  reproduce,  as  it  has  a strong  tendency  to 
do,  the  evils  of  the  slave-trade. 

Many  are  the  vicissitudes,  in  the  early  years,  of  a 
place  like  Hongkong,  with  the  early  enthusiasm  fol- 
lowed by  intense  depression ; the  strenuous  efforts 
succeeded  by  intervals  of  inactivity;  and,  finally,  the 
revival  of  enthusiasm  and  the  establishment  of  solid 
prosperity. 


308 


HONGKONG 


In  its  infancy  Hongkong  failed  to  attract  the  bet- 
ter class  of  Chinese,  and  was  an  Alsatia,  seemingly 
of  the  most  pronounced  description.  It  is  recorded 
that  only  one  Chinaman  of  any  respectability  vent- 
ured to  Hongkong  at  that  time,  after  a few  months 
returning  to  his  native  place,  Canton.  The  authori- 
ties on  the  mainland  did  all  they  could  to  prevent 
Chinese  settling  on  the  island.  “ The  island  of 
Hongkong,”  said  an  English  official  in  1841,  “will 
probably  become  the  favorite  resort  of  the  smugglers 
and  debauchees  of  that  quarter  of  the  globe,”  and 
the  forecast  was  fulfilled  to  the  letter.  Opium  dens, 
gaming-houses,  and  other  places  still  worse,  ffour- 
ished. 

At  one  time,  in  1849,  the  fortunes  of  the  place 
were  at  a very  low  ebb ; indeed,  it  seemed  to  be 
doomed.  The  cost  of  administration  had  risen  to  as 
much  as  ^250,000  annually,  while  the  receipts  did 
not  exceed  ^12,000,  and  at  the  same  time  the  trend 
of  Chinese  trade  was  towards  Shanghai,  which  was 
rapidly  developing.  The  business  transacted  with 
the  open  ports  by  European  countries  was  then  dis- 


tributed as  follows : 

I.  Canton:  British  imports ^1,646,000 

Exports 2,300,000 

(Figures  referring  to  the  business  of  other  Powers,  which  was  al- 
together insignificant,  are  not  to  be  had.) 

II.  Amoy:  Imports ^1,496,000 

Exports 277,006 

Shanghai : British  imports 974,000 

Those  of  other  countries 1,209,000 

British  exports 1,438,000 

Those  of  other  countries 1,754,000 

309 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


The  abandonment  of  the  colony  was  recommend- 
ed from  many  quarters,  especially  by  Montgomery 
Martin,  then  an  authority  on  colonial  questions,  who 
led  a fierce  attack  in  England  on  the  Home  Gov- 
ernment. It  was  admitted  that  it  would  have  been 
better  never  to  have  gone  there. 

“ If  it  could  have  been  foreseen,”  wrote  Lord  Grey,  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies  in  Lord  John  Russell’s  Administration, 
“what  the  total  expenses  would  amount  to,  and  what  limited  ad- 
vantages this  place  would  possess  for  our  trade,  it  would  not  have 
been  thought  worth  while  to  occupy  it.  But  that  had  already  been 
done  long  before  our  administration  was  formed  ; it  only  remained 
for  us  to  endeavor  to  diminish  the  cost  of  an  establishment  which 
had  been  instituted  on  a scale  worthy  of  the  supposed  importance 
of  Hongkong  at  a time  when  it  was  confidently  expected  that  it 
would  become  the  great  emporium  of  the  trade  with  China.  In 
1846  it  had  already  become  evident  that  this  would  not  be  the  case, 
and  that  the  greater  portion  of  our  commerce  would  pass  through 
the  ports  into  which  our  merchants  are  admitted.”* 


One  of  Martin’s  chapters  was  actually  headed, 
“ Hongkong,  its  position,  prospects,  character,  and 
utter  worthlessness  in  every  point  of  view  to  Eng- 
land.” Eortunately,  Hongkong  was  not  abandoned. 
Works  were  systematically  carried  out  gradually, 
rendering  the  malarious  climate  less  unhealthy ; the 
Chinese  of  the  better  class  were  drawn  to  the  place; 
and  the  erstwhile  deserted  port  and  settlement  be- 
came, step  by  step,  more  flourishing,  and  showed 
signs  of  becoming  what  it  is  to-day,  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  spots  in  the  world. 

* The  Colonial  Policy  of  Lord  John  Russell’s  Adminisiration  (2 
vols.,  8vo.  London  : R.  Bentley.  1853).  Second  edition,  p.  265. 


310 


HONGKONG 


It  is  hard  to  believe  that  so  much  can  have  been 
accomplished  in  so  short  a time.  The  gi'Avait praya, 
or  esplanade,  the  public  buildings,  the  merchant 
houses  and  wharves,  the  harbor  crowded  with 
steamers  and  craft  of  all  kinds  — all  these  denote 
affluence  and  activity ; while  the  public  gardens, 
and  the  successful  system  of  afforestation  which 
has  covered  the  once  bare  hills  with  timber,  have 
worked  a complete  transformation  in  the  appear- 
ance of  the  place. 

To-day  Victoria,  lying  on  the  north  of  the  island 
at  the  foot  of  a high  range  of  hills,  is  a city  of 
closely  built  houses  stretching  for  some  four  miles 
along  the  island  shore,  and  rising,  tier  over  tier,  up 
the  slopes  of  the  mountain ; while  on  the  shore  of 
the  opposite  peninsula  (Kaulung),  until  recently  an 
uninhabited  waste  of  undulating  red  rock,  are  now 
seen  a mass  of  buildings  and  docks,  great  ware- 
houses, and  other  accompaniments  of  a prosperous 
city.  In  the  Kaulung  warehouses  may  be  seen 
merchandise  worth  over  half  a million  sterling.  Of 
the  several  docks,  one  is  constructed  entirely  of 
granite,  and  can  take,  with  a few  exceptions,  the 
larsrest  vessels  now  ailoat.  The  silent  and  deserted 
basin  has  become  a harbor  covered  with  shipping, 
a sight  hardly  to  be  matched  in  the  whole  world. 
The  shipping  entering  and  clearing  the  port  in  1897 
amounted  to  over  17,000,000  tons,  the  tonnage  re- 
turns showing  it  to  be  the  third  port  of  the  British 
Empire  and  probably  of  the  world.  The  aggregate 
burden  of  shipping  is  greater  than  that  of  the  four 


3” 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


leading  Australian  colonies.  At  anchor  may  be  seen 
as  many  as  fifty  ocean  steamers,  including  ships  of 
war,  large  European  and  American  sailing  vessels, 
and  hundreds  of  sea-going  junks;  while  in  the  har- 
bor are  many  thousand  boats,  containing  mostly  a 
floating  population,  with  more  than  a hundred  steam 
launches,  for  which  Hongkong  is  famous. 

In  an  interesting  account  of  Hongkong  written 
some  years  ago  by  Sir  \V.  des  Voeux,  he  said  there 
mifjht  be  seen 

“Long  lines  of  quays  and  wharv'es,  large  warehouses  teeming  with 
merchandise,  shops  stocked  with  all  the  luxuries  as  well  as  the 
needs  of  two  civilizations;  in  the  European  quarter  a fine  Town 
Hall,  stately  banks,  and  other  large  buildings  of  stone ; in  the 
Chinese  quarters  houses,  constructed  after  a pattern  peculiar  to 
China,  of  almost  equally  solid  materials,  but  packed  so  closely  to- 
gether and  thronged  so  densely  as  to  be  in  this  respect  probably 
without  parallel  in  the  world  (100,000  people  live  within  a certain 
district  not  exceeding  half  a square  mile  in  area),  and  finally  streets 
stretching  for  miles,  abounding  with  carriages  (drawn  for  the  most 
part  not  by  animals  but  by  men),  and  teeming  with  a busy  popula- 
tion, in  the  centre  of  the  town  chiefly  European,  but  towards  the 
west  and  east  almost  exclusively  Chinese.” 


Higher  up  are  found  churches,  public  buildings,  and 
many  houses  of  European  design,  generally  detached 
and  fronted  with  stone  arched  verandas. 

“Hongkong  has  indeed  changed  its  aspect;  and  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  all  this  has  been  effected  in  Her  Majesty’s  reign,  and 
indeed  during  a space  of  less  than  fifty  years,  on  ground  in  immedi- 
ate contact  with  the  most  populous  Empire  in  the  world,  by  a com- 
paratively infinitesimal  number  of  an  entirely  alien  race  separated 
from  their  homes  by  nearly  the  whole  earth,  and,  unlike  their  coun- 
trymen in  Australia  and  Canada,  living  in  an  enervating  and  trying 
climate ; and  when  it  is  further  remembered  that  the  Chinese, 


312 


HONGKONG 


whose  labor  and  enterprise  under  British  auspices  have  largely 
assisted  in  this  development,  have  been  under  no  compulsion,  but 
have  come  here  as  free  men,  attracted  by  liberal  institutions,  equi- 
table treatment,  and  the  justice  of  our  rule;  when  all  this  is  taken 
into  account,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  evidences  of  material 
and  moral  achievement,  presented  as  it  were  in  a focus,  make  any- 
where a more  forcible  appeal  to  eye  and  imagination,  and  whether 
any  other  spot  on  earth  is  thus  more  likely  to  excite,  or  much  more 
justifies,  pride  in  the  name  of  Englishman.”  * 


The  climate  of  Hongkong  has  always  been  a great 
drawback  to  the  place,  and  the  mortality  in  the  early 
years  of  the  occupation  was  something  terrible,  es- 
pecially among  the  troops.  The  malignant  fever 
of  the  early  days,  however,  was  alleged  to  be  due  to 
the  upturning  of  the  soil  (a  disintegrated  granite). 
Of  late  years  Hongkong  has  again  been  afflicted, 
this  time  by  the  bubonic  plague,  which  is  said  to 
have  spread  to  the  island  from  the  mainland.  This 
disease,  the  mortality  of  which  is  appalling,  has 
proved  a severe  strain  on  the  resources  of  the  colony. 
In  the  early  period  of  our  possession  the  climate  of 
the  lower  valleys  was  so  bad  that  “ abandon  hope  ” 
might  have  been  written  up  over  the  barrack  gate- 
way. Not  ten  men  of  the  59th  regiment  remained 
of  those  who  eight  years  before  had  landed  there, 
and  the  place  acquired  the  name  of  “ The  White 
Man’s  Grave.”  It  was  intended  at  one  time  to  move 
the  colony  to  the  higher  ground,  so  as  to  avoid  the 
dangerous  fever  common  among  the  troops  and  set- 

* Report  on  the  Condition  and  Prospects  of  Hongkong,  by  H.  E. 
Sir  G.  William  des  V^oeux,  Governor,  etc,  Hongkong,  October  31, 
1889. 

313 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tiers,  a step  that  was  strongly  recommended  by 
Sir  Henry  Pottinger.  But  the  moving  of  a colony, 
even  at  an  early  stage  of  its  existence,  proved  an 
impossible  task. 

During  the  summer  months,  from  April  to  Sep- 
tember inclusive,  when  the  southwest  monsoon  pre- 
vails, the  heat  and  rain  are  great,  and  Victoria  loses 
the  benefit  of  the  wind.  From  October  to  April  the 
northeast  monsoon  prevails,  and  little  rain  falls.  The 
air  is  cool  and  bracing,  fires  being  in  common  use 
until  the  end  of  February.  The  temperature  varies 
from  about  40°  to  90°,  the  coolest  month  being  Jan- 
uary and  the  hottest  August.  The  average  annual 
rainfall  is  about  eighty  inches,  mainly  contributed 
by  the  summer  months.  From  time  to  time  Hong- 
kong is  visited,  usually  about  the  date  of  the  autumn 
equinox,  by  typhoons,  which  work  havoc  among  the 
shipping  in  the  harbor  and  occasionally  among  the 
buildinfTS  on  the  land. 

O 

Smuggling  still  exists,  though  it  has  been  reduced 
to  small  dimensions,  and  there  have  been  recently  but 
few  acts  of  piracy.  A proportion  of  the  police  force 
finds  its  duties  on  the  water,  scouring  the  harbor 
waters  in  swift  police  launches  and  pinnaces.  The 
natives  of  the  islands  and  of  the  mainland,  whose 
shallow  creeks  afford  safe  refuge  for  light  craft, 
have  always  been  in  complete  sympathy  with  the 
smugglers;  in  fact,  every  one  in  the  earlier  days, 
from  the  highest  mandarin  to  the  lowest  in  rank, 
was  banded  together  by  mutual  self-interest  and  by 
sentiment  to  oppose  the  suppression  of  the  pirates. 

314 


HONGKONG 


That  grave  difficulties  occurred  in  putting  down 
piracy  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  when  we  recollect 
the  great  obstacles  encountered  in  suppressing  brig- 
andage wherever  the  authority  enforcing  order  is 
in  the  hands  of  the  countrymen  of  the  people  of  the 
district.  The  pirates  were  so  successful  that  they 
scoured  the  sea  in  fleets,  carrying  guns  and  attack- 
ing steamers. 

Special  measures  and  organized  e.xpeditions,  sys- 
tematically carried  out,  and  the  development  of 
communications  and  commerce,  have  combined  to 
put  an  end  to  piracy.  The  Chinese  officials,  even, 
have  found  it  politic  and  profitable  no  longer  to 
protect  the  evil-doers.  As  recently  as  1885,  how- 
ever, a British  steamer,  the  Greyhound,  was  captured 
by  pirates,  who  had  embarked  as  passengers,  within 
si.xty  miles  of  Hongkong.  And  again,  in  1887,  three 
piratical  attacks  were  made  within  a week.  In  1890 
the  steamer  Namoa  was  captured  under  circum- 
stances which  created  a great  sensation  in  China.*' 

The  success  of  British  rule  over  Asiatics  is  no- 
where better  exemplified  than  in  Hongkong,  where, 
as  in  the  Straits,  or  Rangoon,  the  Chinaman  has 
proved  himself  to  be  most  successful  as  a colonist, 

* The  Namoa  left  Hongkong  on  December  lo,  1890,  having  on 
board  two  hundred  and  twenty  Chinese  deck-passengers,  emigrants 
returning  to  China  with  the  savings  they  had  accumulated  at  Sing- 
apore. At  a given  signal  some  fifty  of  them,  clothed  in  a kind  of 
uniform,  rushed  upon  the  crew  and  the  ship’s  officers,  wounded 
them,  and  seized  the  vessel  and  everything  of  value.  It  was  not 
until  some  time  later  that  the  Chinese  authorities  discovered  their 
whereabouts,  and  took  them  prisoners. 

315 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


trader,  and  merchant.  Beginning  usually  without 
any  means,  often  as  a mere  coolie,  he  starts  life  as 
a peddler,  or  in  the  smallest  of  booths  or  shops.  He 
gradually  makes  his  way,  the  shop  becomes  larger 
and  the  operations  more  extensive.  Some  join 
European  firms,  in  which  they  are  most  useful, 
sometimes  indispensable ; and  by  indomitable  in- 
dustry, business  capacity,  and  daring  ventures — and 
it  must  be  understood  that  there  is  in  the  world  no 
more  determined  speculator  than  the  Chinaman — 
they  rise  to  the  position  of  wealthy  men,  perhaps 
of  merchant  princes.  Much  more  than  apparent  is 
his  success,  for,  caring  less  for  the  external  appear- 
ance than  for  the  solid  reality,  he  is  content  to  re- 
main in  the  background.  The  Chinese  merchant, 
by  reason  of  his  shrewdness,  perseverance,  abilit}^ 
and  honesty,  stands  very  high  in  the  commercial 
world,  and  is  the  most  formidable  rival  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race.  In  the  colony  of  Hongkong  most  of 
the  wealth  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Chinese,  and  in  all 
the  chief  business  houses  and  financial  institutions 
the  Chinese  hold  positions  of  great  responsibility. 

In  1849  thousands  of  Chinese  poured  into  Hong- 
kong, to  procure  employment  in  America  in  the 
gold  mines,  through  English  intermediary.  Thus 
was  established  an  exceedingly  profitable  industry — 
the  transport  of  coolies — which  helped  to  turn  the 
fortunes  of  the  colony.  This  transport  system  soon 
attained  large  dimensions.  The  earlier  emigration 
to  Singapore,  Peru,  and  the  Antilles  was  now  aug- 
mented by  a greater  volume  to  California,  at  that 

316 


HONGKONG 


time  isolated  from  the  Eastern  States  of  the  Union. 
Australia,  too,  was  a great  field  for  labor.  No  peo- 
ple accommodate  themselves  to  the  idea  of  expa- 
triation more  readily  than  the  Chinese — but  always 
with  repatriation  in  view.  All  countries,  all  climates, 
all  surroundings  seem  to  suit  them ; they  adapt 
themselves  to  any  circumstances,  and  are  to  be  seen 
in  many  quarters  of  the  world.  There  is  no  colo- 
nist in  existence  like  the  Chinaman.  He  is  equally 
at  home  in  Siberia  or  the  Philippines,  in  Burma  or 
India,  in  Central  America  or  Canada.  To  those 
countries  that  will  receive  them  the  Chinese  are 
ever  ready  to  go,  even  to  such  a death-trap  as  Pan- 
ama proved  to  be. 

The  chief  features,  then,  in  the  progress  of  Hong- 
kong seem  to  be  the  following; 

The  emigration  of  the  Chinese  through  Hong- 
kong, first  to  America  and  Australia,  and  later  to 
the  Malay  Peninsula  and  the  Pacific  Islands,  which 
has  led  to  a large  increase  of  business  generally,  and 
to  the  establishment  of  regular  lines  of  steamers  to 
America  and  Australia;  the  unforeseen  circum- 
stance of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  which  threatened 
southern  China,  compelling  the  leading  Chinese 
traders  to  seek  refuge  in  the  English  colony;  the 
opening  of  the  Suez  Canal,  which  gave  an  immense 
impulse  to  the  Ear  Eastern  trade ; and,  generally, 
the  increasing  willingness  of  the  Chinese  to  settle 
in  an  English  colony,  after  experience  of  the  justice 
to  be  obtained  under  British  rule. 

How  to  attract  colonists  and,  still  more,  how  to 

317 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


retain  them,  is  a most  complicated  and  interesting 
problem.  That  the  British  do  not  seem  to  be  ap- 
prehensive of  the  success  accomplished  by  the  Chi- 
nese in  places  like  the  Straits  or  Rangoon  is  a mat- 
ter of  constant  surprise  to  our  Continental  neighbors, 
especially  the  French,  who  do  not  understand  that 
our  treatment  of  the  Chinese  is  really  a matter  of 
general  policy,  and  that  nowhere  has  our  dealing 
with  Asiatics  been  more  successful  than  in  China. 
The  English  are  aware  that,  while  the  Chinese  could 
accomplish  nothing  without  them,  on  the  other 
hand  they  themselves  could  accomplish  nothing 
without  the  Chinese : they  are  mutually  necessary. 
The  policy  of  encouraging  the  Chinese,  under  a 
liberal  yet  firm  administration,  has  been  eminently 
satisfactory,  and  has  succeeded  in  inspiring  the  Chi- 
nese with  confidence  in  English  rule.  The  system 
of  government  and  administration  may  not  contain 
anything  to  specially  excite  admiration,  as  has  been 
pointed  out  by  French  writers,  and  any  French  legis- 
lator might  be  competent  to  devise  an  equally  well- 
arranged  and  no  doubt  more  logical  and  more  me- 
thodical form  of  administration — on  paper.  But, 
then,  it  would  be  on  paper  only.  The  essential  dif- 
ferences, in  fact,  between  the  English  and  Erench 
systems  are  well  illustrated  in  English  colonies  like 
Hongkong  and  Singapore  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Tongking  and  Cochin-China  on  the  other.  The 
English  begin  in  a loose  and  rough-and-ready  fash- 
ion, adapting  themselves  to  circumstances  as  they 
arise;  the  French  commence  with  a complete  code, 

3*8 


HONGKONG 


from  which  they  permit  no  divergence,  and  endeavor 
to  make  the  circumstances  fit  the  code. 

Since  the  above  account  of  Hongkong  was  writ- 
ten, a considerable  extension  has  been  made  to  the 
colony.  A Convention  was  signed  on  the  9th  of 


Kkulung  concession.  1860  DH  Area  of  1898  concession 

EnglisK  Miles, 
o 5-  10  20 

MAP  SHOWING  KAULUNG  CONCESSION  OF  i860  AND  HONGKONG  EXTENSION 

OF  1898 

June,  1898,  between  Great  Britain  and  China,  under 
which  a lease  for  ninety-nine  years  has  been  grant- 
ed to  the  former  of  the  territory  on  the  mainland 
opposite  Victoria,  and  of  the  adjacent  islands  and 
waters  as  far  as  Deep  Bay  on  the  west  and  Mirs 

319 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Bay  on  the  east,  China  retaining  its  jurisdiction  in 
the  native  city  of  Kaulung,  and  the  right  to  use 
the  waters  for  her  ships.  The  total  area  leased,  in- 
cluding the  waters,  amounts  to  about  two  hundred 
square  miles.  It  is  hoped  that  this  extension  will 
enable  the  colony  to  be  more  securely  defended, 
and  will  aid  its  commercial  development  and  indus- 
trial expansion.  Now  that  Hongkong  is  brought 
closer  than  ever  to  Canton,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  long- talked  - of  railway  between  that  city  and 
Kaulung  will  be  no  longer  delayed. 

Such  as  I have  briefly  described  it  is  the  Hong- 
kong of  to-day,  after  little  more  than  fifty  years  of 
British  rule. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 

Thirteen  years  ago  I predicted  that  the  Franco- 
Chinese  War  had  opened  a new  chapter  of  inter- 
national history,  which  it  was  safe  to  presume  was 
not  in  the  contemplation  of  either  party  to  the 
struggle,  and  thus  I described  the  situation  : 

“ What  was  sure  to  happen  some  day  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
commercial  and  colonial  development  has  been  accelerated  by  the 
French  proceedings  in  Tonquin  and  China,  and  by  the  movements 
of  Russia — the  shifting  of  the  political  centre  of  gravity,  the  open- 
ing of  a new  and  larger  Eastern  question,  and  the  resumption  in 
the  Pacific  of  the  struggle  for  pre-eminence  which  was  carried  on  a 
century  ago  in  the  Atlantic.  It  is  inevitable  that  the  question  of 
supremacy  in  Asia  will  be  shortly  decided  in  favor  of  one  or  other 
of  the  Powers,  Russia  or  Britain.  In  the  coming  strife  England 
must  in  spite  of  herself  play  a leading  part,  since  the  material 
interests  of  the  British  Empire  are  by  far  the  heaviest  stake  in  the 
game.  It  is  even  probable  that  the  fate  of  the  Empire  itself  may 
be  eventually  decided  in  the  Eastern  seas.  It  is  therefore  a question 
that  concerns  all  Englishmen  in  the  mother-country  and  India  and 
the  colonies,  and,  indeed,  all  English-speaking  people  throughout 
the  world,  whether  English  statesmen  will  rise  to  the  occasion, 
bringing  courage,  faith,  and  intelligence  to  bear  on  the  direction  of 
affairs,  whether  they  will  instruct  the  people  in  their  true  interests 
and  responsibilities,  teach  them  the  vital  importance  of  foreign  af- 
fairs and  national  defence,  or  whether,  calling  upon  the  people  to 
centre  their  attention  on  drastic  semi  - socialistic  ‘reforms,’  in  a 
lukewarm,  vacillating,  and  cowardly  spirit  they  will  continue  as  of 
X 321 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


late  years  to  embroil  England  and  humble  her  before  the  nations, 
and  finally  cause  her  to  drop  out  of  the  rank  of  Great  Powers.” 

The  years  that  have  elapsed  since  this  was  written 
have  not  rendered  these  propositions  obsolete. 

That  Britain  is  an  Asiatic  Power  is  a truism. 
But  how  little  realized  by  our  countrymen  ! Eng- 
land’s Asiatic  dominions  and  dependencies  cover 
more  than  1,600,000  square  miles.  She  has  nearly 
300,000,000  of  souls  under  her  rule,  speaking  some 
twenty  languages.  Her  European  military  strength 
in  Asia  is  75,000  men,  with  150,000  native  auxilia- 
ries, while  her  naval  force,  thanks  to  recent  rein- 
forcements, is  stronger  than  that  of  any  other  single 
Power,  excepting  Japan.*  She  has  21,000  miles  of 
railway  and  47,000  miles  of  telegraph  on  land  in 
Asia,  and  some  20,000  miles  of  submarine  cable. 
She  has  invested  in  her  territories,  either  in  State 
loans  or  railways  under  the  State,  over  ^250,000,- 
000,  besides  scores  of  millions  sterling  invested  in 
private  enterprise — agricultural,  commercial,  indus- 
trial— which  cannot  be  exactly  estimated.  The 
foreio-n  trade  of  these  territories  is  more  than 

O 

^160,000,000  annually.  The  trade  of  other  Asiatic 
countries  with  Europe  is  over  ^60,000,000,  of  which 
four-fifths  is  English,  while  an  enormous  coasting 
trade,  growing  yearly  with  giant  strides,  is  mainly  in 

• 

* The  normal  strength  is — one  first-class  battle-ship,  four  first- 
class  cruisers,  four  second-class  cruisers,  two  third-class  cruisers, 
eight  first-class  gunboats,  three  torpedo-destroyers,  and  some  gun- 
boats for  river  service.  Two  first-class  battle-ships  and  a first-class 
cruiser  have  lately  been  added. 


322 


COMPARISON  OF  AREAS  AND  POPULATIONS  OF  ENGLAND  AND  RUSSIA  IN 
EUROPE  AND  ASIA 

323 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


our  hands.  The  trade  between  eastern  Asia  and 
our  Australian  colonies,  still  in  its  infancy,  is  in- 
creasing and  has  a great  future  before  it. 

But  the  point  to  which  attention  should  be  direct- 
ed is  the  unique  position  occupied  by  China  and  the 
Far  East  in  the  whole  range  of  trade  fields.  The 
British  share  of  China’s  total  foreiijn  trade  is  above 
eighty  per  cent.,  or  more  than  ;^32,ooo,ooo  per 
annum  ; while  British  trade  with  the  Straits  Settle- 
ments, Siam,  China,  Corea,  the  Philippines,  Japan, 
and  Hongkong  combined  exceeds  ^130,000,000  per 
annum.  The  British  capital  invested  in  the  Far 
East  is  computed  by  the  best  authorities  to  run  into 
several  hundred  millions  sterling.  And  this  on  a 
field  for  the  greater  part  unopened  and  capable  of 
indefinite  expansion!  These  facts  should  be  in- 
scribed on  the  walls  of  every  school-room  and  every 
politician’s  study  throughout  the  country. 

The  Asiatic  dominions  or  dependencies  of  Russia, 
measured  by  area,  are  close  upon  four  times  as 
great  as  our  own,  and  contain  over  6,000,000  square 
miles,  but  they  have  only  a population  of  some 
13,000,000 — not  onc-thirtccnth  of  oitr  Asiatic  popu- 
lation— -scattered  over  this  enormous  region,  which 
in  economic  wealth  is  extremely  poor  compared  with 
our  own.  It  is  these  simple  facts  which  make  the 
rapid  advance  of  Russia  towards  India  and  China  in 
the  present  generation  so  significant.  From  the 
shores  of  the  Caspian  as  her  base  she  has,  at  enor- 
mous sacrifice  of  life  and  treasure,  thrown  forward  a 
vast  net-work  of  communications  through  central 


324 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


Asia  towards  India,  while  in  Siberia  and  the  Amur 
region  she  is  making  great  efforts  not  merely  to 
consolidate  herself  and  to  perfect  the  communica- 
tions between  the  Pacific  and  European  Russia,  but 
to  reach  China’s  eighteen  provinces.  She  is  every 
year  occupying  a stronger  position,  from  which  she 
can  put  in  practice  her  policy  of  pressure  upon  India 
and  China,  and  thus  gain  what  she  first  wants — 
strategic  positions  inland  and  on  the  seaboard  in  the 
East  and  West.  The  completion  of  the  Siberian 
Railway  and  its  branches  will  mark  a most  impor- 
tant epoch  in  her  advance.  Her  trade  with  eastern 
Asia,  consisting  almost  entirely  of  tea  from  China,  is 
altogether  insignificant. 

The  force  which  is  constantly,  silently  at  work  in 
this  Eastern  question — this  Drang  nach  Osten — the 
factor  which  can  always  be  reckoned  on  with  cer- 
tainty, is  the  irrepressible  but  natural  ambition  of 
Russia,  which  impels  her  incessantly  from  the  Arctic 
frosts  towards  the  open  sea,  the  rich  plains  and  the 
vast  populations  of  Asia — a movement  which  presses 
on  Turkey,  on  India,  and  on  China,  and  in  a minor 
degree  on  Persia,  in  a continuous  line  of  front  ex- 
tending 7600  geographical  miles  right  across  Asia — 
from  the  Bosporus  to  the  Yellow  Sea.  There  is 
no  need  to  trace  here  the  history  of  the  Russian  ad- 
vance across  the  barren  and  thinly  populated  wastes 
of  central  Asia  and  Siberia ; enough  to  bear  in 
mind  that  she  is  now  on  the  frontiers  of  India 
and  China,  the  objectives  of  the  movement  — ob- 
jectives in  a sense  that  will  appear  later.  Obsta- 

325 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


cles  may  retard,  but  centuries  do  not  change  that 
movement. 

Russia  obeys  a law  of  sunward  and  seaward  gravi- 
tation, accelerated  by  the  ambitions  of  her  statesmen 
and  officials,  and  resulting  in  a course  of  develop- 
ment which  must  progress  until  it  encounters  the 
opposition  of  a nation  stronger  and  better  than  her- 
self.* Hers  is  not  the  case  of  an  over- populated 
country  throwing  off  its  surplus  population.  She  is 
engaged  on  a purely  political  and  military  conquest, 
which,  after  enormous  expenditure,  has  already 
placed  her  in  an  advantageous  position  for  in- 
fluencing, for  menacing,  and  perhaps  even  attack- 
ing, one  if  not  both  of  the  two  richest  and  most 
populous  countries  in  Asia — one  already  belonging 
to  us  and  the  other  the  chief  trading  field  yet  open 
to  our  energies.  She  means  eventually  to  build  up 
a commerce,  but  the  seaboard  and  ports  she  wants 
in  the  first  instance  for  strategic  purposes. 

Russia  is  bordered  in  central  Asia  by  soft  or- 
ganisms, countries  without  military  knowledge,  with- 
out roads  or  railroads,  almost  without  government ; 
and,  following  the  law  of  nature,  she  absorbs  them 


* In  reply  to  the  inquiry  as  to  where  the  aggression  of  Russia  is 
to  stop,  Sir  D.  Mackenzie  Wallace  says:  “Russia  must  push  for- 
ward her  frontier  until  she  reaches  a country  possessing  a govern- 
ment which  is  able  and  willing  to  keep  order  within  its  boundaries, 
and  to  prevent  its  subjects  from  committing  depredations  on  their 
neighbors.”  {Russia,  p.  596.)  But  China  keeps  order  within  her 
boundaries.  My  contention  is  that  Russia  will  move  forward  until 
she  encounters,  in  place  of  a soft  organism,  a hard  one,  which 
should  be  England. 

326 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


one  after  the  other.  She  has  nearly  destroyed 
Turkey,  has  devoured  and  digested,  at  no  slow  rate, 
the  effete  central  Asian  States  well  within  her  reach  ; 
and,  if  permitted,  she  will  devour  the  whole  of  China, 
bit  by  bit,  as  she  can  digest  them.  The  duty  of 
Britain  is  to  preserve  Afghanistan  and  Persia,  and, 
above  all,  China — and  this  at  all  hazards. 

The  Mongol  Empire  once  included  Russia,  and 
extended  from  the  Pacific  to  Germany,  and  from  the 
Arctic  to  the  Indian  Ocean.  It  fell  to  pieces  through 
want  of  organization.  Russia  rose  and  is  rising 
from  its  ruins.  The  advantages  possessed  by  Russia 
arise  chiefly  from  her  geographical  position  and 
from  a certain  affinity  of  race.  By  her  advance  she 
menaces  Britain’s  power  in  Asia,  while  the  exten- 
sion of  the  British  Empire  from  India  does  not 
menace  Russia,  though  it  doubtless  interferes  with 
her  ambitions. 

The  Trans-Siberian  Railway  and  its  branches  will 
be  one  of  the  chief  factors  in  shifting  the  centre  of 
gravity  of  the  world’s  trade.  Its  effects  seem  to 
be  viewed  with  complacency  on  our  part,  because  it 
is  thought  the  existing  trade  with  China  will  not  be 
greatly  diverted.  Considerable  changes,  however, 
must  from  the  first  result,  though  slowly  and  im- 
perceptibly. The  eventual  effect  will  be  colossal, 
for  the  railway  will  open  up  enormous  undeveloped 
regions,  and  will  give  facilities  for  the  conveyance 
of  passengers,  correspondence,  and  the  lighter  class 
of  goods ; a most  important  matter  when  it  is  a 
question  of  connecting  within  a fortnight’s  time  the 

327 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


capitals  of  Europe  with  those  of  China,  Japan,  and 
Corea — countries  with  a population  of  four  hundred 
millions,  one-third  the  world’s  total.  A great  por- 
tion of  the  eastern  section  of  the  line  will  pass 
through  a splendid  country — Manchuria — a white 
man’s  country,  and  full  of  valuable  resources. 

French  interests  in  Asia  consist  of  her  possessions: 
Cochin-China,  covering  an  area  of  22,000  square 
miles,  with  a population  of  1,800,000;  Cambodia, 
62,000  square  miles,  and  a population  of  1,000,000; 
Annan  (including  Tongking),  250,000  square  miles, 
with  a population  of  about  20,000,000 — in  all  a pop- 
ulation of  some  23,000,000.  The  total  trade  repre- 
sents something  under  ^10,000,000  sterling  annu- 
ally, of  which  a considerable  amount  is  in  British 
hands.  But  if  France  has  little  trade  she  has  aspi- 
rations, aims — an  idea. 

The  ambition  of  P'rance,  though  continuous  in  in- 
tention, is  spasmodic  and  incoherent  in  action.  Its 
motive  is  political  and  antagonistic,  not  commercial 
and  peaceful.  Commerce  is  merely  the  stalking- 
horse.  Her  population  is  stationary,  her  finances  are 
in  an  unsatisfactory  condition.  She  has  no  colonies 
that  are  “white  man’s  ” lands.  Her  military  occupa- 
tion has  everywhere  been  a failure,  except  perhaps 
in  Algeria,  where  she  has  a base  close  by,  in  Mar- 
seilles. The  view  generally  held  is  that  French- 
men cannot  colonize.  But  when  one  considers  the 
marvellous  success  obtained  by  France  under  the 
old  colonial  methods,  by  which  she  gained  so  many 
magnificent  possessions,  rendering  it  doubtful,  even 

328 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


in  the  eighteenth  century,  whether  France  or  Brit- 
ain would  prove  to  be  the  colonizing  nation  of  the 
world,  it  must  be  admitted  that  France  has  been 
in  the  past,  if  she  is  no  longer  to-day,  capable  of 
colonial  work.  It  would  seem  that,  in  the  great 
upheaval  at  the  latter  end  of  the  century,  the  old 
colonial  system,  which  had  been  built  up  under  the 
former  regime^  was  lost.  The  colonial  genius  of 
France  disappeared  and  left  nothing  in  its  place. 
Englishmen  are  too  apt  nowadays  to  think  of  them- 
selves as  the  only  colonizing  people.  One  has  only 
to  think  of  what  was  accomplished  under  the  great 
Minister  Colbert,  and  by  Frenchmen  like  Dupleix 
and  Labordonnais  in  India,  by  Champlain  and 
Montcalm  in  Canada,  to  recognize  that  even  Eng- 
land has  never  produced  the  superiors  of  these 
men.*  In  some  respects  the  French  have  proved 
themselves  well  suited  for  colonizing.  They  have 
never  been  found  wanting  in  enterprise  or  in  fight- 
ing qualities.  Their  past  history,  in  the  East  and 
West  alike,  proves  that,  unlike  the  Spaniards,  they 
did  not  degenerate  into  intermarrying  with  Indians 
and  adopting  native  ways  and  modes  of  life.  Their 
leaders  showed  a definite  policy  in  dealing  with  na- 
tive races — they  organized  them,  formed  alliances 

* “ Elle(l:i  France)  ne  vit  dans  le  Canada,  comme,  helas  ! Voltaire 
lui-meme,  que  ‘ des  arpents  de  neige.’  File  perdit  la  Louisianie 
aussi  gaiement  qu’elle  avail  perdu  I’lnde.  Fn  cette  meme  annee 
1763,  le  grand  homme  qui  avail  devance  I’Angleterre  dans  la  con- 
quete  de  I’empire  des  Indes,  Dupleix,  mourait  a Paris  pauvre  el 
surtout  impopulaire." — Le  Tonkin  ct  la  Mcre-Patrie.  JULES 
Ferry. 

329 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


and  counter-alliances,  and  carried  the  spirit  of  Euro- 
pean politics  into  Asia  and  America. 

But  they  have  not  the  power  of  adapting  them- 
selves to  new  peoples  and  to  new  countries.  They 
will  not  go  abroad  to  the  Far  East  as  colonists, 
or  even  as  traders;  nor  is  this  specially  to  be  won- 
dered at,  seeing  that  France  has  no  overflow  popu- 
lation such  as  other  countries  have.  Still  she  will, 
however  dangerous  we  think  it  may  prove  to  her- 
self, elect  to  play  a prominent  part  in  this  Eastern 
struggle,  as  Gambetta  and  Skobeleff  contemplated, 
and  as  under  Ferry  she  was  inclined  to  do.  Tong- 
king  has  a rich  delta,  but  is  for  the  most  part  jun- 
gle-covered hill  country,  and  is  unhealthy  and  un- 
inhabitable for  French  settlers  or  traders.  France 
administers  the  government  with  a great  yearly  def- 
icit, merely  for  the  benefit  of — excepting  a multi- 
tude of  fonctionnaires — natives  and  strangers,  more 
especially  the  traders  of  southern  China. 

Recruited  at  random,  the  French  colonial  offlcials 
are  seldom  either  competent  or  trustworthy.  Per- 
haps one  out  of  ten  may  be  reliable  and  efficient. 
The  majority  of  these  colonial  officials,  according 
to  Chailley- Bert,  set  about  the  work  of  governing 
by  bringing  with  them  that  passion  for  uniformity, 
that  mania  for  routine,  that  love  for  making  regula- 
tions, that  dread  of  initiative  and  of  responsibility, 
which  crush  the  mother-country  as  well  as  the  most 
vigorous  of  her  colonies.  The  French  codes  are 
applied  without  change  in  every  quarter  of  the 
world,  and  in  the  modern  Eastern  possessions  ex- 


330 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


actly  as  they  were  in  the  old  colonies  of  France. 
The  cost  of  administration  is  enormous  and  out  of 
all  proportion  to  the  work  accomplished,  the  estab- 
lishment charges  being  invariably  heavier  than  the 
cost  of  the  public  works  themselves.  The  conse- 
quence is  that  the  sole  advantage  that  the  West  can 
give  to  the  East,  as  a distinct  advance  in  civilization, 
and  the  sole  means  which  can  make  colonies  pros- 
perous— communications,  roads,  railways,  canals, 
ports,  hospitals,  schools,  in  fact  all  the  machinery 
of  modern  Western  progress — are  wanting.  Some 
years  ago  a caricature  appeared  in  a colonial  French 
journal  which  represented  not  inaccurately  the  whole 
French  colonial  system.  An  Annamite  workman, 
in  not  too  vigorous  a fashion,  was  moving  a few 
bricks  to  place  upon  a wall,  and  his  work  was  being 
superintended  by  a row  of  French  fonctionnaircs — 
a dirccteur-g'eneral  and  numerous  assistants,  ending 
with  a supervisor  of  works.  Such  colonies  are  not  a 
source  of  strength  but  of  weakness  to  the  vici'e-patrie. 
Instead  of  being  so  many  outlying  bulwarks,  each 
contributing  its  quota  of  industry  and  wealth,  these 
“ uncolonized  colonies,”  these  laneiuishinc:  and  arti- 
ficially  maintained  possessions,  are  merely  so  many 
hostages  to  fortune. 

The  colonies  and  possessions  of  Britain  are  in 
marked  contrast  to  those  of  France,  whether,  on 
the  one  hand,  in  “ white  man’s  countries,”  such  as 
Australasia,  Canada,  South  Africa  ; or,  on  the  other, 
in  our  Eastern  possessions  and  dependencies.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  understands  how  to  adapt  himself  to 

331 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


circumstances  (as  witness  India,  the  Straits  Settle- 
ments, and  Hongkong);  and,  apart  altogther  from 
the  material  advantages  obtained,  our  country  has 
spread  its  ideas  and  even  its  language  throughout 
the  whole  world. 

Whether  it  be  to  the  advantage  of  France  to  make 
the  sacrifices  she  does  for  purely  political  purposes 
is  not  for  us  to  judge.  The  French  have  a saying: 
Lcs  nations  ne  se  servcnt  que  de  dc2ix  langtics — la 
guerre  et  le  eo7nmerec.  In  our  colonial  expansion  we 
begin  with  trade,  and  sometimes  end  wdth  war.  The 
French  commence  with  war  and  seem  unable  to  get 
beyond  it.  Russia  begins  and  ends  with  diplomacy: 
she  assimilates,  gaining  her  way  without  conflict  if 
possible,  though  when  driven  to  it  she  wages  war  in 
a ruthless  spirit.  The  French  views  with  regard  to 
Indo-China  and  southern  China  are  now  well  known, 
and  are  not  concealed  by  the  French  themselv'es.* 


* The  Report  of  the  Lyons  Mission  to  southern  China  urges 
activity.  Inter  alia  it  says:  “ A country  which  last  year  imported 
192,000,000  of  francs'  worili  of  cotton  goods  must  be  well  worth  an 
effort,  and  an  annual  demand  for  100,000  tons  of  cotton  thread  is 
considered  a tempting  prospect  for  the  French  thread  manufactory 
in  Indo-China.”  But  as  in  the  Chinese  Customs  returns  no  single 
article  of  French  textile  is  mentioned,  what  the  Lyons  delegates 
mean  is  tliat  the  British  trade  in  these  articles  is  to  be  transferred 
to  France.  The  Report  vividly  paints  the  advantages  for  France  of 
the  political  objectives,  Yunnan  and  Szechuan,  and  the  advantageous 
position  in  Tongking.  The  French  plan  is  to  drive  a wedge  in 
between  Burma  and  the  Upper  Yangtsze,  just  as  they  tried  in 
Burma  and  Siam  to  bar  our  access  to  China,  and  just  as  they  are 
now  attempting  to  do  in  West  Africa,  and,  to  go  back  a hundred 
years,  as  they  attempted  to  do  in  America.  It  is,  in  fact,  the  secu- 

332 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


The  Russian  plans,  notwithstanding  “ assurances  ” 
which,  though  taken  at  face  value  nowadays,  were 
valued  aright  by  Lord  Palmerston,*  are  also  evident. 
What  has  never  been  properly  understood,  however, 
is  that  “ the  theatre  of  European  jealousies  and  rival- 
ries has  been  extended  from  Turkey  and  the  Levant 


lar  French  policy,  which  is  as  constant  and  as  calculable  as  the 
movement  of  Russia. 

“ But  Englishmen  who  have  followed  the  course  of  events;  who 
have  watched,  year  after  year,  the  shadow  of  the  Russian  eclipse 
sweeping  across  Persia  and  Central  Asia  until  it  has  reached  the 
frontiers  of  India  and  Afghanistan;  and  who  now  see  France  re- 
viving her  old  ambition  of  an  Eastern  Empire,  and  fanning  in  every 
direction  the  hatred  and  jealousy  of  England  among  her  ignorant 
and  passionate  people,  realize  with  sufficient  distinctness  that  the 
alliance  of  Russia  and  France  is  directed  as  much  against  England 
and  her  Eastern  Empire  as  against  the  powers  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
. . . the  supremacy  of  Britain  in  Southern  Asia,  in  which  are  bound 
up  the  freedom  of  the  Mediterranean,  our  predominance  in  Egypt, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  Suez  Canal  route  to  India.” — “ England 
and  France  in  Asia,”  by  Sir  Lepel  Griffin,  Nineteenth  Century, 
November,  1893. 

*“Tlie  policy  of  the  Russian  Government,”  Lord  Palmerston 
wrote  in  1851,  “has  always  been  to  proceed  with  its  conquests  as 
rapidly  as  the  apathy  or  want  of  firmness  of  other  Governments 
permitted,  but  to  retire  if  it  encountered  determined  opposition,  and 
then  to  await  the  next  favorable  opportunity  to  renew  the  onslaught 
on  its  intended  victim  ” “In  January,  1873,  Count  Schouvaloff  had 
been  sent  on  a special  mission  to  pacify  England  with  regard  to  the 
expedition  against  Khiva,  and  had  then  declared  that  ‘ not  only  was 
it  far  from  the  intention  of  the  Emperor  to  take  possession  of  Khi- 
va, but  positive  orders  had  been  prepared  to  prevent  it,  and  direc- 
tions given  that  the  conditions  imposed  should  be  such  as  would 
not  in  any  way  lead  to  the  prolonged  occupation  of  Khiva.’” 
“Communication  of  an  intention,”  it  was  after  explained,  “ did  not 
amount  to  an  absolute  promise.” — Englatid  and  Russia  in  the  East, 
Sir  Henry  Rawlinson,  p.  317. 


333 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  the  China  seas  ; and  the  Eastern  problem  of  the 
future  for  England  is  Russia  on  the  west  and 
Erance  on  the  east,  closing  in  on  her  Indian  fron- 
tiers,” as  I wrote  in  1885.  Was  this  realized  recent- 
ly? Is  it  even  now  understood  ? Yet  the  Franco- 
Russian  alliance  foreshadowed  thirteen  years  ago 
has  gradually  grown  into  existence  and  is  now 
in  active  operation,  rendering  our  position  on 
the  northeast  frontier  of  India  one  of  serious 
anxiety. 

In  describing  at  the  time  the  outcome  of  the 
Franco-Chinese  War,  I passed  briefly  over  the  pos- 
sibility of  a Franco-Russian  alliance,  because,  in  the 
then  unsatisfactory  condition  of  politics  in  France 
and  unfortunate  position  of  affairs  in  Tongking,  it 
seemed  hardly  fair  to  dwell  on  this  subject.  But  it 
was  shown  that  at  any  time  a Franco-Russian  entente 
was  quite  within  the  range  of  possibilit}^  It  was 
clear  as  noonday  that,  if  the  Tongking  Expedition 
had  not  turned  out  as  it  did,  if  everything  had  only 
gone  smoothly — if,  in  fact.  Ferry’s  brilliant  scheme 
for  a French  Indo-Chinese  Empire  had  met  with 
anything  like  the  success  that  he  anticipated — 
we  should  at  once  have  had  a Franco-Russian 
alliance,  and  that  actively  engaged  against  our- 
selves. 

The  policy  of  Russia,  it  was  evident,  was  to  place 
herself  in  an  advantageous  position  alongside  the 
two  most  populous  countries  in  the  world,  the  two 
richest  empires  of  Asia,  for  the  purpose  not  of 
violently  “ attacking  ” those  empires  by  rough  mili- 

334 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


tary  methods,  but  of  being  able  at  the  convenient 
season  to  exercise  influence  and  pressure,  by  menace 
and  coercion  if  necessary,  and  by  such  means  gain 
what  she  wanted  elsewhere.  The  basis  of  Russian 
policy  must  always  be  kept  clearly  in  mind.  The 
positions  she  desires  elsewhere  are  as  yet  to  be 
found  not  on  the  Indian  littoral  or  on  the  coast  of 
China  itself,  but  in  the  Extreme  West  and  Extreme 
East;  in  the  neighborhood  of  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Levant,  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  in  the  Japan  and 
China  seas — dominating  bases  for  territorial  aggres- 
sion. The  attention  of  British  statesmen,  military 
authorities,  and  politicians  who  take  an  interest  in 
national  defence  has  been  concentrated  entirely  on 
the  northwestern  frontier  of  India.  But  has  Britain 
no  other  Indian  frontier.^  It  has  been  obvious  that 
whenever  Russia  chose  to  seize  another  opportunity 
to  move  forward,  she  would  do  so  in  the  direction 
of  the  China  or  Japan  seas,  and  always  in  alliance 
with  Erance.  Russia  has  lately  practically  obtained 
Manchuria,  holds  Corea  in  a vise  and  at  her  mercy, 
and  has  secured  an  immense  length  of  littoral,  with 
not  one  but  many  “ ice-free  ” ports — some  of  them 
purely  strategic.  More  than  that,  she  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  dominates  China  at  and  from  Peking. 
There  is  no  disguising  that  fact.  Those  who  have 
followed  the  history  of  the  conquests  of  China,  nota- 
bly that  accomplished  under  the  Manchu  dynasty, 
will  not  need  to  be  told  that  this  domination  of 
China  by  Russia  at  the  capital  w^ould  seriously  affect 
British  rule  in  India,  and  might  even  create  a grave 

■335 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


danger  for  the  Empire.*  How  much  more  now 
that  France  is  the  close  ally  of  Russia!  Never 
should  we  lose  sight  of  the  facts  that  India  is  a 
conquered  country,  where  discontent  smoulders 
which  may  be  fanned  into  conflagration  by  the 
neighborhood  of  rival  European  Powers ; that,  as 
Rawlinson  said,  if  England  has  a vulnerable  heel  it 
is  in  the  East;  and  that  the  stronger  the  position 
of  Russia  in  Asia,  “ the  higher  will  be  the  tone  she 
can  command  is  discussing  with  us  any  question  of 
European  policy.” 

The  truth  is,  the  people  of  this  country  have  been 
content  to  remain  in  ignorance  of  the  whole  history 
of  this  Far  Eastern  movement.  Geography  is  un- 
popular, the  region  is  remote,  the  points  at  issue 
are  complicated,  our  interests  are  not  realized ; and 
not  only  is  it  the  business  of  no  one  to  preach  the 
truth,  but  it  is  the  metier  of  many  to  conceal  it. 
When  it  is  remembered,  however,  that  not  only  has 
Britain  a great  and  growing  commerce  with  China 
and  the  whole  Far  East,  but  that  growth  of  trade 
is  an  absolute  necessity,  with  her  rapidly  increas- 
ing population,  with  foreign  competition  becoming 
fiercer  every  day  and  markets  being  closed  against 
her,  the  importance  of  commanding  strategical  po- 
sitions in  the  China  Sea  ought  to  become  more  and 
more  evident.  It  is  to  China  alone  that  we  can 
look  in  the  future  not  merely  for  any  great  expan- 

* The  military  question  has  been  ably  treated  by  Colonel  Mark 
Bell  {Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  April,  1895),  who  has  had  exceptional 
opportunities  for  studying  the  question  from  personal  observation. 

336 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


sion  of  our  commerce,*  but  for  any  considerable 
strengthening  of  our  general  position  in  Asia.  And 
we  are  now  in  such  a position  that  retreat  or  in- 
action will  be  fatal.  For  Russia’s  advanee  and  oc- 
cupation of  strategical  positions,  enabling  her  to 
throw  a lasso  round  the  throat  of  China  and  to 
endanger  Japan,  are  not  merely  a standing  menaee 
to  our  enormous  and  rapidly  growing  interests  in 
those  regions.  They  may  mean  the  utilization  of 
China  as  an  industrial  and  political  force  to  be 
equipped  and  used  for  our  destruction.  And  the 
possibility  of  having  those  masses  organized  and 
wielded  against  us,  setting  aside  altogether  the  mere 
military  aspect,  is  serious  enough  to  rouse  us  from 
our  lethargy.  Once  in  possession  of  the  long- 
coveted  seaboard  with  its  “ice -free”  ports,  and  of 
Manchuria — the  territory  said  to  be  required  for  her 
railways  to  the  Pacific — the  immediate  incentive  to 
a forward  policy  on  the  part  of  Russia  will  be  re- 
moved, we  are  constantly  assured,  for  she  would 
then  have  no  desire  for  war.  More  likely  is  it  to 
strengthen  that  incentive.  It  is  less  an  invasion  of 
India,  less  an  open  attack,  immediate  or  even  proxi- 
mate, than  the  rise  of  Asiatic  Russia,  a rival  Power 

* How  vital  is  its  maintenance,  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  our 
Empire,  but  for  the  sustenance  of  our  people,  no  arguments  are 
needed  to  prove.  It  is  only  in  the  East,  and  especially  in  the  Far 
East,  that  vve  may  still  hope  to  keep  and  to  create  open  markets  for 
British  manufactures.  Every  port,  every  town,  and  every  village 
that  passes  into  French  or  Russian  hands  is  an  outlet  lost  to  Man- 
chester, Bradford,  or  Bombay. — Problems  of  the  Far  East  (p.  415), 
by  Hon.  G.  N.  Curzon. 


Y 


337 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORM  at!  ON 


utilizing  the  resources  of  China,  and  with  ambitious 
allies,  that  we  have  to  apprehend.  In  no  spirit  of 
hostility  is  it  that  Russia  or  any  other  Power  is 
spoken  of ; far  from  that — rather  in  a spirit  of  ad- 
miration. They  are  justified  in  pushing  their  in- 
terests in  their  own  way.  What  I wish  to  empha- 
size is  that,  in  place  of  being  supine,  we  should  be 
doing  the  same  in  our  \\7iy.  Years  ago  the  justice 
of  Russia’s  wish  for  an  ice-free  port  on  the  Pacific 
was  admitted,  but  the  danger  to  ourselves  involved 
in  her  coming  south  was  at  the  same  time  clearly 
indicated.* 

The  importance  of  promoting  intercourse  between 
the  two  most  populous  countries  in  the  world,  India 
and  China,  so  widel}^  different  in  their  circumstances, 
yet  having  so  many  and  such  vital  interests  in  com- 
mon, should  recjuire  no  argument.  The  idea  has 
its  foundations  in  the  actual  circumstances  of  the 
two  empires.  While  essentially  commercial  and 
peaceful,  both  are  endowed,  though  in  varied  degree, 
with  the  complementary  resources  which,  united, 
would  make  them  not  merely  a serious  antagonist, 
but  dominant  in  southern  Asia.  The  interests  of 
both  and  the  existence  of  one  are  immediately 
threatened  by  a common  enemy,  Russia,  engaged 
upon  a purely  military  conquest — a Power  that,  if 


* A series  of  most  luminous  articles,  marking  the  v'arious  stages 
of  the  Russian  advance  and  the  evolution  of  the  Far  Eastern  ques- 
tion generall)',  will  be  found  in  Blackwood,  from  1893  onward,  from 
the  pen  of  Mr.  Alexander  Michie,  a writer  of  the  highest  authority 
on  all  matters  connected  with  China. 

338 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


unchecked  by  such  a combination,  will,  at  no  distant 
period,  effect  the  disintegration  of  one  Empire  and 
eventually  bring  about  the  downfall  of  the  other. 
With  so  much  in  common,  the  fundamental  inter- 
ests of  both  are  one.  Such  an  entente  should  and 
could  have  been  cemented  by  inter-acquaintance  and 
inter- communication.  In  such  an  understanding 
would  have  been  and  might  still  be  found  the  best 
guarantee  for  the  preservation  of  the  truest  interests 
of  the  two  empires,  the  surest  means  of  preserving 
the  peace  of  Asia.  China  knows  that  the  policy  of 
England,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  is  now  one  of 
commercial  expansion  and  development  only,  un- 
tainted by  any  ulterior  designs,  and  that  while  Eng- 
land wants  Chinese  trade,  Russia  wants  Chinese 
provinces ; and  as  China  is  compelled  by.  circum- 
stances to  take  a new  departure  in  the  direction  of 
industrial  and  defensive  enterprise,  she  is  disposed 
to  look  to  England  as  her  most  efficient  guide  and 
her  safest  ally.  Better  far  than  “disinterestedness” 
in  international  relations  is  an  interest  which  is  mut- 
ual, clearly  avowed,  and  understood,  and  such  is  the 
bond  which  should  cement  British  India  with  China. 
The  unique  opportunity  so  long  enjoyed  for  devel- 
oping our  relations  with  our  Imperial  neighbor, 
bound  to  us  by  geographical  and  other  ties,  has 
been  neglected. 

It  was  our  duty  to  take  China  into  tutelage,  to 
strengthen  her  by  insisting  upon  reforms.  Instead 
of  that,  England  has  blindly  counted  on  China  as 
an  ally  against  Russia — China,  in  fact,  was  to  play 

339 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


the  part  of  buffer.  Our  diplomacy  was  devoted  to 
seeking  her  good-will,  even  at  the  cost  of  undue 
deference  in  the  questions  of  Sikkim,  Tibet,  and 
Burma;  slights  and  affronts  were  met  with  humility, 
claims  remained  unsatisfied  or  were  shelved,  and 
“ treaty  rights  ” became  the  s}monyme  for  “ treaty 
wrongs.”  At  the  same  time  China  was  encouraged 
against  Russia,  vague  promises  of  help  were  held 
out,  and  hopes  were  raised  which  were  doomed  to 
bring  nothing  but  disappointment  in  their  train,  un- 
til English  promises  became,  as  a Chinese  states- 
man in  my  presence  termed  them,  “from  the  teeth 
outward.”  After  some  forty  years  of  discussion 
and  “ consideration  ” by  our  Government  at  home 
and  in  India,  while  Russia  has  pushed  her  way 
across  5000  miles  of  Siberia,  and  is  fast  closing  in 
on  China,  while  the  Russians  with  audacious  cour- 
age have  made  progress  which  must  compel  the  ad- 
miration of  the  world,  we  have  been  supine;  and 
China  to-day  leans  on  Russia — not  on  Great  Brit- 
ain, which  she  was  for  years  anxious  to  do. 

To  India  the  further  opening  of  China  offers  a 
considerable  expansion  of  her  commerce,  while  to 
England  it  is  a matter  of  national  importance  to  in- 
crease her  influence  and  regain  the  leadership  in  the 
various  new  enterprises — financial  and  industrial — 
which  China  will  be  obliged  shortly  to  undertake. 
To  China  a closer  relationship  with  India,  and 
therefore  with  England,  would  be  a considerable 
aid  towards  the  internal  development  of  the  Em- 
pire. To  promote  these  objects  increased  inter- 


340 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


course  and  mutual  acquaintance  are  necessary.  Ex- 
perience in  China,  as  elsewhere,  has  taught  us  that 
the  chief  obstacle  to  commerce  and  international  re- 
lations, in  fact  to  progress  generally,  is  ignorance  of 
the  country  and  its  conditions;  and  the  growth  of 
trade  which  has  followed  the  treaties  of  1858-60 
is  mainly  due  to  the  opening  of  the  interior  by 
communications  and  the  better  acquaintance  thus 
brought  about.  Apart  from  the  question  of  trade, 
the  alliance  would  be  a pledge  of  tranquillity  through- 
out the  whole  Far  East.  If  the  present  position 
be  such  as  has  been  indicated,  it  should  have  been 
the  policy  of  the  Indian  and  Imperial  Governments, 
and  also  of  the  neighboring  colonial  authorities,  to 
avail  themselves  of  every  opportunity  of  improving 
their  communications  with  the  vast  Empire  of  Chi- 
na, and  by  all  natural,  silent,  and  unobtrusive  means 
to  draw  closer  the  bonds  of  intimacy,  and  thus  es- 
tablish intercourse  on  solid  and  immovable  grounds. 
Yet  how  little  has  been  accomplished  in  this  direc- 
tion! how  little  even  attempted!* 

* “ Let  Great  Britain,  then,  take  the  lead,  as  she  has  hitherto  al- 
ways fearlessly  done.  Let  her  persevere  in  the  task  of  educating 
China,  and  not,  as  if  unfitted  for  it,  resign  it  to  others.  China  is 
one  of  our  Imperial  neighbors,  bound  to  us  by  ties  of  commerce  and 
geographical  position  ; we  cannot  neglect  her  without  injury  to  our 
Imperial  interests.  The  decay  of  empire  can  ever  be  traced  to  a 
failure  to  correspond  to  its  environments,  that  is,  to  actively  sympa- 
thize with  its  neighbors,  and  we  decline  to  acknowledge  that  the 
Empire  is  declining.  The  latent  wealth  of  China  is  undoubted. 
She  is  of  greater  value  than  many  Indias;  her  peoples  are  peaceful, 
tractable,  and  easily  ruled.”  — Colonel  Mark  Bell,  V.  C.,  C.  B., 
Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  April,  1895. 


341 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Our  possessions  furnish  us  with  most  admirable 
bases  for  commercial  expansion  in  Asia,  such  as  are 
not  now,  and  never  can  be,  in  the  power  of  any  other 
nation,  unless  our  supremacy  be  wrested  from  us. 
We  maintain  along  the  avenues  of  our  Eastern 
trade,  as  points  d'appui,  the  Suez  Canal,  Aden, 
Ceylon,  India,  Singapore,  Hongkong.*  Especially 

* “ In  Asia  the  area  of  British  rule  comprises  the  peninsula  of 
Aden  and  the  island  of  Perim  ; the  great  peninsula  of  India,  with 
the  Burmese  provinces  and  the  outlying  groups  of  Andamans,  the 
Nicobars,  and  the  Laccadives;  Ceylon,  with  which  the  Maidive 
Islands  are  nominally  connected ; the  islands  of  Hongkong  and 
Labuan ; the  Straits  Settlements,  including  the  two  islands  of 
Singapore  and  Penang,  and  the  territories  of  Province  Wellesley, 
the  Bindings,  and  Malacca  on  the  main  Malay  peninsula;  and  the 
Keeling  Islands,  far  out  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  now  a little  dependency 
of  the  Straits  Settlements.  Scattered  as  these  possessions  are,  they 
have  all  a common  character.  They  all  consist  of  peninsulas  or 
islands,  for  British  power  and  influence  in  Asia  are  confined  to  the 
outskirts  of  the  continent  accessible  from  the  Southern  Ocean,  and 
have  not  penetrated  into  the  great  mass  of  the  interior.  They  are 
all  in  or  near  the  tropics.  They  all  must  be  classed,  not  as  settle- 
ments, but  as  dependencies,  held  either,  as  India  and  Ceylon,  direct- 
ly for  their  own  value,  or,  as  the  smaller  Eastern  colonies,  partly  as 
military  stations,  partly  as  emporia  of  trade.  Aden,  for  instance,  is 
at  once  a link  in  the  chain  of  stations  on  the  way  to  India  and  a 
place  of  outlet  for  the  Arabian  trade;  Singapore  taps  the  trade  of 
the  Malay  peninsula,  is  a place  of  junction  for  Eastern  and  Austra- 
lian traffic,  and  is  also  an  outpost  of  the  empire  in  the  Malay  seas; 
Hongkong  is  a half-military,  half-commercial  station  on  the  borders 
of  the  Chinese  empire ; Labuan,  a foothold  off  the  coast  of  Borneo. 
In  these  Asiatic  dependencies,  far  more  than  in  any  other  part  of 
the  world,  the  English  have  been  called  to  the  task  of  governing 
native  races.  To  speak  of  British  colonization  in  this  quarter  of 
the  globe  is  really  a misuse  of  terms — the  climate  is  not  for  the 
English  breed,  and  the  waste  places  of  the  earth  are  not  to  be  found 
in  the  East  Indies.  The  Englishman  came  to  Asia,  and  has  held  his 

342 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


valuable  is  our  land  base,  Burma,  which  is  our  gate- 
way to  China.  It  cannot  be  gainsaid  that  upon 
the  political  supremacy  of  England  in  the  East, 
upon  the  possession  and  extension  of  India  and 
our  Eastern  possessions,  chiefly  depend  the  continu- 
ance of  our  commercial  prosperity,  and,  as  a sequitiir, 
the  ability  to  support  the  dense  and  rapidly  increas- 
ing  population  of  England.  To  actually  part  with 
any  of  our  colonies,  or  any  of  these  English  posses- 
sions, there  is  now  no  longer  any  desire,  and  there 
is  less  indifference  to  their  value  than  there  was. 
But  the  country  has  not  yet  realized  what  is  at 
stake,  nor  how  strong  our  position  is  if  we  choose  to 
use  it,  and  that  to  shirk  our  duty  now  will  mean 
our  being  gradually  ousted  by  rivals,  who  are  not 
averse  to  undertake  the  necessary  responsibilities, 
from  the  greatest  market  we  possess  and  from  a 
commanding  position  of  the  world.  We  are  now  at 
the  parting  of  the  ways,  and  the  failure  to  take  the 
right  course  will  mean  the  loss  of  the  commercial 
supremacy  of  England,  and  eventually  the  disinte- 
gration of  the  Empire. 

Since  November  i6,  1896,  when  the  German 
Government,  in  connection  with  the  Bismarck  rev- 
elations, through  its  Foreign  Secretary,*  was  corn- 

ground  in  Asia,  not  as  a settler,  but  as  a merchant,  a conqueror, 
and  a ruler.” — Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies,  LuCAS. 

* Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  in  the  Reichstag — a remark- 
able statement.  This  affirmation  of  an  understanding,  based  on 
common  interests,  between  Germany  and  Russia  in  the  Far  East, 
was  treated  with  contempt  in  this  country.  Yet  it  contained  the 
master-key  to  recent  events.  The  extra-continental  interests  of  the 


343 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


pelled  in  self  - defence  to  “ give  away  ” the  trend 
of  its  future  policy,  it  has  been  apparent  that  there 
was  an  increasing  tendency  towards  a working  un- 
derstanding— on  the  “live  and  let  live  ” principle 
— in  the  Near  and  Far  East  between  Germany  and 
Russia,  and  therefore  also  with  France  (Russia’s 
ally),  for  lovers  in  the  red  heat  of  a liaison  are  not 
to  be  separated.  This  entente  was  based  upon 
mutual  interests — territorial  in  the  case  of  Russia, 
commercial  in  that  of  German}-,  and  political  in  the 
case  of  France — the  corner-stone  of  the  combination 
being  Russia,  whose  favor  has  been  cultivated  at 
all  costs  by  France,  in  lesser  degree  by  Germany, 
and  latterly  even  by  Austria-Hungary.  Its  chief 
raison  detre  was  the  reduction  of  England. 

In  China,  England  has  been  completely  isolated.* 
Her  efforts  to  achieve  something  had  for  years  past 
been  rendered  futile  by  a systematic  process  of 
thwarting,  practised  as  a fine  art,  by  Russia  and 
France.  These  two  countries,  and  later  also 
Germanv,  were  securing  for  themselves  solid  ad- 
vantages.  Japan  was  watching  silently,  anxiously 
preparing  for  eventualities.  Our  official  optimists 
talked  then,  as  they  do  now,  of  the  “ concessions  ” 
to  England — the  “rectification  of  the  Burmo- China 

two  Powers  “ will  in  all  probability  furnish  us  with  an  opportunity  of 
acting  in  harmony  with  the  Power  with  which  we  co-operated  last 
year,”  Baron  Marschall  told  the  world.  The  occasion  was  one 
when  the  truth  had  to  be  revealed,  and  the  declaration  should  have 
been  noted  and  acted  on. 

* Mr.  Chamberlain  stated  the  matter  clearly  in  his  speech  of 
May  20,  1898. 


344 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


frontier  ” and  the  incomplete  “ opening  ” of  the 
West  River.  We  had  done  little  or  nothing  to 
establish  overland  railway  communication  from 
Burma  to  China  — to  reach  China  “from  behind,” 
as  Lord  Salisbury  called  it  — and  the  Upper 
Yangtsze,  the  main  artery  of  China,  remained 
practically  unopened.  Such  was  the  situation  a 
few  months  ago. 

To  understand  the  present  situation,  the  natural 
sequel  to  1895,  it  is  first  of  all  necessary  to  rec- 
ognize the  fact  that  Russia  is  actually  the  protector 
of  China  against  all  comers,  and  that  France  sup- 
ports her  solidly,  while  Germany,  having  taken  the 
decisive  step  of  placing  herself  alongside  Russia, 
is  likely  to  follow  the  Russian  lead,  for  two  sufficient 
reasons  — for  fear  of  displeasing  Russia,  the  ally 
of  France,  and  because  “concessions”  are  not  likely 
to  be  got  in  China  by  Germany  in  direct  and  open 
opposition  to  Russia.  Russian  influence  has  for 
some  time  past  been  all-powerful  at  Peking,  mainly 
through  the  timely  assistance  rendered  to  China  in 
1895,  followed  up  by  a persistent  policy,  cemented 
by  an  understanding,  offensive  and  defensive.  The 
fundamental  fact  of  a close  understanding  between 
Russia  and  China  has  for  some  time  been  patent  to 
all  the  world  except  ourselves,  the  chief  features 
being:  i.  An  alliance  offensive  and  defensive. 

2.  Branch  railways  through  Manchuria.  3.  The 
refortification  of  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan,  and 
the  fortification  of  Kiaochau,  all  to  be  paid  for 
by  China  — any  or  all  of  the  three  war  harbors 

345 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Russia  whenever 
required.  parole  cC Jwimeur,  of  course,  denied 

everything  save  the  northern  Manchurian  railways, 
but  Russia  has  never  denied  anything  except,  and 
that  very  vaguely,  the  accuracy  of  the  so  - called 
“ Cassini  ” Convention  as  published  by  a Shanghai 
paper.  But  what  charming  naivete,  to  be  moved 
one  way  or  the  other  by  dementis  from  either 
Russia  or  China ! Apart  from  any  written  con- 
tract, however,  “ facts  speak  for  themselves,”  as  M. 
Hanotaux  said  of  the  Franco-Russian  alliance.  If 
Russia  had  a claim  on  Kiaochau,  does  it  not  follow 
that  Germany  cannot  be  now  acting  in  opposition  to 
Russia.^  And  what  is  there  to  prevent  Germany 
some  day  from  finding  that  Kiaochau  does  not 
“ meet  her  requirements,”  in  case  she  should  want 
another  port;  and  in  that  case  what  should  prevent 
Russia  stepping  in?  Provision  has,  in  fact,  been 
made  enabling  Germany  to  treat  Kiaochau  as  a 
negotiable  bill  of  exchange. 

That  Russia  has  been  exceptionally  active  at 
Peking  during  the  past  few  years  was  evident  to 
those  who  chose  to  see ; but  our  leaders  would 
not  see;  our  role  was  that  of  the  little  - concerned 
spectator.  In  view  of  what  was  occurring  it  re- 
quired some  audacity  to  vaunt  our  concessions,  the 
“ rectification  ” of  the  Burmo  - Chinese  frontier,  and 
the  “opening”  of  the  West  River,  especially  as  the 
latter  stopped  short  at  Wuchau,  instead  of  including 
the  river  to  its  navigation  limit,  with  right  of  railway 
to  Yunnan.  And  while  we  made  so  much  of  our 

346 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


concessions,  which  are  certain  to  be  contested, 
there  are  not  a few  ready  to  demonstrate  the  un. 
importance  of  Russia’s  being  at  Port  Arthur  and 
Talienwan.* 

* Describing  what  he  terms  the  “contingent  interest”  in  Co- 
rea, Mr.  Curzon  says:  “A  country  so  well  provided  with  harbors, 
which  could  both  supply  and  shelter  large  flotillas,  and  so  richly 
endowed  with  many  potential  sources  of  wealth,  might  involve  a 
serious  menace  to  British  commerce  and  interests  throughout  the 
China  seas,  and  even  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  if  held  by  a hostile  State. 
A Russian  port  and  fleet,  for  instance,  in  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  would, 
in  time  of  war,  constitute  as  formidable  a danger  to  British  shipping 
on  the  Yellow  Sea  as  they  would  to  the  metropolitan  province  and 
the  capital  of  China.  Permanent  Russian  squadrons  at  Port  Laz- 
areff  and  Fusan  would  convert  her  into  the  greatest  naval  Power 
in  the  Pacific.  The  balance  of  power  in  the  Far  East  would  be 
seriously  jeopardized,  if  not  absolutely  overturned,  by  such  a de- 
velopment; and  England  is  prohibited  alike  by  her  Imperial  ob- 
jects and  her  commercial  needs  from  lending  her  sanction  to  any 
such  issue.” — Problems  of  the  Far  East,  second  edition,  p.  213. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION — Continued 

The  fact  is  that  our  diplomacy  as  against  Russia 
has  been  a failure  in  Asia.  The  whole  history  of 
the  Russian  advance  teaches  us  that  lesson.  What 
is  wanted  on  our  side  is  a plan  solidly  backed, 
and  a man.  Instead,  we  have  trusted  to  phrases 
and  have  lived  on  illusions.  But  how  can  there 
be  any  plan  when  our  Government  has  no  real 
Intelligence  Department,  when  it  is  uninformed? 
How  dare  we  entertain  the  idea  of  force,  when  we 
shun  the  responsibility  attaching  to  alliances,  and 
while  our  only  idea  of  strengthening  ourselves  is  to 
multiply  the  number  of  our  war  vessels?  And  under 
such  a system  how  can  we  expect  to  have  efficient 
agents?  In  the  one  field  where  of  late  years  we 
have  been  successful  — Egypt — we  had  our  plan: 
we  had  the  twelve  thousand  bayonets,  and  we  had 
the  man.  In  China  we  have  never  had  the  three,  and 
seldom  even  the  last.  How  few  are  the  Cromers, 
the  Nicholsons,  the  Sandemans  in  the  service  of 
Britain  ! It  is  not  that  she  cannot  produce  them — 
no  country  in  the  world  has  them  in  such  profu- 
sion— but  that  the  system,  or  rather  the  want  of 

348 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


system,  does  not  tolerate,  still  less  encourage,  them,* 
The  diplomatist,  the  frontier  officer,  is  ever  afraid 
of  being  disavowed,  has  always  to  think  of  the 
“question  in  the  House.”  And  how  can  it  be 
otherwise  with  the  feeling  abroad  that  British  Gov- 
ernments are  seldom  strong,  are  seldom  firm  and 
consistent,  and  are  only  too  ready  to  sacrifice  a 
scapegoat.^  Any  positive  plan,  too,  is  hard  to  con- 
ceive, and  irksome  to  carry  out.  For  this  reason 
British  Governments  fall  back  on  ncG;otiation,  which 
as  Popowski  says,  “ has  the  appearance  of  doing  the 
utmost  to  check  the  Russians  and  at  the  same 
time  appeases  popular  opinion.  No  party,  no  group 
of  talented  persons,  enters  a sufficiently  vigorous 
protest  against  these  futile  negotiations.”  Russia’s 
policy  both  in  Europe  and  Asia  is  active  and  per- 
sistent, while  England  would  be  only  too  glad  to 
secure  the  maintenance  of  the  status  quo. 


* It  is  notorious  to  all  those  having  any  knowledge  of  the  inner 
springs  and  workings  of  affairs  in  the  Far  East  that  the  Germans 
and  Russians  are  pre-eminently  better  supplied  than  ourselves  in 
this  respect.  We  cannot,  in  fact,  seriously  profess  to  have  any 
Intelligence  Department.  So  long  as  we  are  fortunate  to  have  at 
Calcutta  and  Peking  men  such  as  we  now  have  (Dufferin  and 
Parkes)  all  may  go  smoothly;  but  a real  reform  in  this  matter  of 
intelligence  is  imperative.  Is  it  then  to  be  wondered  at  that,  with 
such  a system  in  force  for  many  years,  our  once  paramount  in- 
fluence has  gradually  decayed  throughout  the  whole  Far  East.^  If 
the  diplomatic  and  consular  services  require  to  be  revivified  and 
to  have  a fresh  spirit  infused  into  them,  it  is  at  the  head-centre 
that  reform  must  begin.  Without  going  to  the  root  of  the  evil  no 
real  reform  is  possible. — English  Policy  in  the  Far  East,  by  A.  R. 
COLQUHOUN.  Special  Correspondence  to  the  Times,  1884. 


349 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


“The  English  would  even  submit  quietly  to  Russia’s  forward 
movement,”  says  Popowski,  “were  its  pace  less  rapid,  as  in  that 
case  the  fight  for  India  would  in  all  probability  be  forced  on  a 
later  generation.  From  this  state  of  things  Russia  reaps  great 
benefit.  She  holds  the  initiative,  and  can  suit  her  action  to  cir- 
cumstances ; and  should  she  now  and  again,  swayed  by  public 
opinion  or  the  temperament  of  her  statesmen,  be  induced  to 
advance  somewhat  too  boldly,  she  can,  as  in  1878,  purchase  peace 
by  surrendering  a portion  of  her  acquisitions.  Russia  will,  there- 
fore, doubtless  attain  her  ultimate  object  if  the  Powers  concerned 
be  not  convinced  of  the  need  for  energetic  resistance.”* 


There  is  nothing  unforeseen  in  the  recent  develop- 
ment of  affairs  in  the  Far  East.  On  the  contrary, 
it  has  been  clearly  indicated  by  various  writers  in 
the  past  fifty  years.  As  far  back  as  1850,  Meadows 
wrote : 

“ China  will  not  be  conquered  by  any  Western  Power  until  she 
becomes  the  Persia  of  some  future  Ale.xander  the  Great  of  Russia, 
the  Macedon  of  Free  Europe.  England,  America,  and  France 
will,  if  they  are  wise,  wage  severally  or  collectively  a war  of  ex- 
haustion with  Russia  rather  than  allow  her  to  conquer  China,  for 
when  she  has  done  that  she  will  be  A/is/ress  of  the  World.” 

And  in  reply  to  those  who  ridiculed  our  “guarding 
against  imaginary  Russian  dangers  in  China,”  he 
said : 

“ Many  may  suppose  the  danger  to  be  too  remote  to  be  a 
practical  subject  for  the  present  generation.  The  subject  is  most 
practical  at  the  present  time,  for  as  the  English,  Americans,  and 
French  deal  with  China  and  with  her  relations  with  Russia,  so  the 
event  will  be.  For  those  to  whom  ‘ it  will  last  our  time  ’ is  a word 
of  practical  wisdom,  this  volume  is  not  written.” 

Again,  a few  years  later,  he  wrote: 

* The  Rival  Powers  in  Asia.  JOSEF  POPOWSKI. 

350 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


“ The  greatest,  though  not  nearest,  danger  of  a weak  China  lies 
precisely  in  those  territorial  aggressions  of  Russia  which  she  began 
to  attempt  two  centuries  ago,  . . . which,  if  allowed  to  go  on,  will 
speedily  give  her  a large  and  populous  territory,  faced  with  Svea- 
borgs  and  Sebastopols,  on  the  seaboard  of  Eastern  Asia.  . . . Let 
England,  America,  and  France  beware  how  they  create  a sick  giant 
in  the  Far  East China  is  a world  necessity.”* 

Foreshadowing  the  gradual  extension  of  Russia 
into  China,  and  the  time  when  she  would  become 
mistress  of  Peking,  when,  with  all  Manchuria  organ- 
ized behind  her,  she  could  occupy  the  Yellow  River 
basin.  Meadows  rightly  expresses  the  opinion  that, 
should  that  occur,  no  combinations  of  Powers  would 
then  be  able  to  oppose  Russia.  “With  120,000,000 
of  Chinese  to  work  or  fight  for  her,  nothing  could 
stand  between  Russia  and  the  conquest  of  the  Em- 
pire ; not  China  alone,  but  Europe  itself,  would  then 
be  dominated,  and  it  would  cost  the  Russian  Em- 
peror of  China  but  little  trouble  to  overwhelm  the 
Pacific  States.”  No  extravagant  opinion  this,  but  a 
sound,  far-seeing  judgment  from  a writer  whose 
name  is  to-day  unknown  to  his  countrymen. 

No  British  policy  in  the  Par  East  can  be  success- 
ful unless  it  forms  part  of  a world-policy,  and  unless 
we  are  able  to  apply  to  the  centre  of  gravity  of  a 
European  combination  force  enough  to  control  its 
balance.  Our  diplomacy  must,  in  short,  be  sup- 
ported by  force,  naval  and  military. 

Unless  supported  by  Britain,  Japan  dared  not  en- 

* The  Chinese  and  their  Rebellions.  By  Thomas  Taylor  Mead- 
ows. 1856. 


351 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


tertain  the  idea  of  opposing  Russia,  still  less  Russia 
and  her  friends,  in  their  schemes  for  utilizing  the 
resources  of  China.  Without  a definite  alliance, 
Japan  could  do  nothing,  and  trusted  to  Britain  to 
maintain  the  balance  of  power  in  the  Far  East,  just 
as  Britain  seemed  inclined  to  unduly  depend  on 
Japan  to  perform  that  same  useful  office.  To  rely 
overmuch  on  Japan  would  not  be  the  course  of 
wisdom,  valuable  ally  as  she  certainly  would  be 
under  certain  circumstances,  and  possessing,  as  she 
does,  many  interests  in  common  with  us. 

And  this  leads  us  to  a brief  consideration  of  alli- 
ances generally.  Within  the  past  few  months  we 
have  been  counselled  to  come  to  an  understanding 
with  Russia,  with  France,  with  Japan,  with  Ger- 
many, each  in  turn.  The  question  of  national  alli- 
ance is  still  treated  by  us  as  until  lately  was  that  of 
the  Navy — as  a matter  which  could  always  be  dealt 
w'ith  when  an  emergency  arose.  But  alliances  are 
not  thus  extemporized  on  the  instant;  far  from 
being  fruits  to  pluck  at  will,  they  are  of  slow 
crrowth.  And  while  it  might  suit  Britain  to  come 
to  an  arrangement  with  Russia,  for  example,  what 
has  that  Power  to  gain  ? Our  difficulty  is  her  op- 
portunity. If  we  are  serious,  we  must  remodel  our 
institutions  on  the  basis  that  the  foreign  policy  of  a 
country  must  be  judged  from  the  naval  and  military 
stand -points,  as  well  as  from  the  commercial  and 
diplomatic.  They  are  essential  to  each  other.  Yet 
not  only  have  we  no  such  supreme  co-ordination 
in  national  policy  as  other  countries  have,  but  the 

352 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


different  departments  of  State  with  us  are  treated 
as  if  they  were  quite  unrelated  to  each  other.  In 
most  Continental  States  foreign  affairs  fall  within 
the  province  of  the  monarch,  or  that  of  a select 
number  of  bureaucrats;  but  in  England  nothing 
worthy  the  name  of  a “ policy  ” can  be  seriously  un- 
dertaken or  pursued  until  public  opinion  has  first 
been  thoroughly  enlisted  in  its  favor.  Therefore  it 

O ✓ 

is  of  infinitely  greater  importance  for  Britain  than 
for  other  Powers  that  public  opinion  and  the  Gov- 
ernment should  be  well  informed  on  all  subjects 
connected  with  foreign  policy.  Continental  Gov- 
ernments, too,  are  infinitely  better  informed  on  mil- 
itary and  political  matters  than  our  own,  in  which 
the  War  Minister  is  not  even  a military  man.  ■ Can 
there  be  any  more  complete  condemnation  of  our 
system  than  the  fact  that  even  now,  after  the  com- 
plete collapse  of  our  conduct  of  Asiatic  affairs, 
Great  Britain,  more  an  Asiatic  Power  than  Russia, 
still  possesses  no  Asiatic  Department. 

The  position  of  Russia  with  regard  to  China 
seems  not  yet  to  be  realized.  Russia,  herself  semi- 
Asiatic,  thoroughly  understands  how  to  deal  with 
an  Asiatic  Government  and  to  make  herself  feared. 
The  Russian  spokesmen  claim  that  they  are  work- 
ing for  civilization — not  for  Russia  alone,  but  for 
the  whole  of  Europe;  and  we  are  assured  that  as 
soon  as  Russia  is  stroner  enoimh  to  declare  P'ree 

O O 

Trade,  she  will  do  so.  There  is  no  need  to  e.xpress 
doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  such  professions.  But 
they  are  only  to  be  understood  on  the  hypothesis 

353 


z 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


that  Russia  seriously  contemplates  an  eventual  su- 
preme domination,  which,  once  firmly  established, 
would  enable  her  to  deal  with  all  the  Powers  of 
Europe  as  generously  as,  for  instance,  she  is  now 
doing  with  France.  Russia  poses  in  Europe  as  the 
“bulwark  of  Christianity”  against  the  Yellow  Peril; 
while  in  China  she  is  the  “ protector  ” of  her  weak 
kinsman  against  the  wave  of  Western  aggression. 
This  doctrine  (the  pro-Asiatic)  is  preached  with  as 
great  ability  and  persistency  at  Peking  as  is  the  other 
(the  pro -European)  doctrine  in  England,  through 
the  Press,  with  the  view  to  influence  public  opinion. 

The  Chinese  people  in  the  north,  at  the  capital 
especially,  undoubtedly  discriminate  between  Rus- 
sians and  other  foreigners.  Like  other  Orientals, 
they  only  believe  what  they  see;  and  Russia  is  seen 
and  realized  on  the  northern  frontiers.  This  con- 
tact, and  the  gift  possessed  by  Russia  of  dealing 
with  the  Chinese,  lead  them  to  believe  in  her.  In 
the  south  the  same  may  be  said  to  a certain  e.xtent 
of  the  British,  though  they  have  the  habit,  contrary 
to  that  of  the  Russians,  of  holding  aloof  from  the 
Chinese,  with  whom  Russians  of  all  grades  miss  no 
opportunity  of  ingratiating  themselves. 

The  analogies  and  contrasts  which  the  Russians 
and  Chinese  mutually  present  have  been  admirably 
depicted  by  Michie : 

“Analogies  in  the  manners,  customs,  and  modes  of  thought  of 
the  two  races  are  constantly  turning  up;  and  their  resemblance  to 
the  Chinese  has  become  a prov'erb  among  the  Russians  themselv^es. 

“The  Russians  and  the  Chinese  are  peculiarly  suited  to  each 
other  in  the  commercial  as  well  as  in  the  diplomatic  departments. 

354 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


They  have  an  equal  regard  for  truth,  for  the  Russian,  spite  of  his 
fair  complexion,  is  at  the  bottom  more  than  half  Asiatic.  There  is 
nothing  original  about  this  observation,  but  it  serves  to  explain  how 
it  is  that  the  Russians  have  won  their  way  into  China  by  quiet  and 
peaceable  means,  while  wm  have  always  been  running  our  head 
against  a stone  wall,  and  never  could  get  over  it  without  breaking 
it  down.  The  Russians  meet  the  Chinese  as  Greek  meets  Greek : 
craft  is  encountered  with  craft,  politeness  with  politeness,  and  pa- 
tience with  patience.  They  understand  each  other’s  character  thor- 
oughly, because  they  are  so  closely  alike. 

“ When  either  Russian  or  Chinese  meets  a European,  say  an 
Englishman,  he  instinctively  recoils  from  the  blunt,  straightforward, 
up-and-down  manner  of  coming  to  business  at  once  ; and  the  Asiatic 
either  declines  a contest  which  he  cannot  fight  with  his  own  weap- 
ons, or,  seizing  the  weak  point  of  his  antagonist,  he  angles  with  him 
until  he  wearies  him  into  acquiescence.  As  a rule,  the  Asiatic  has 
the  advantage.  His  patient  equanimity  and  heedlessness  of  the 
waste  of  time  are  too  much  for  the  impetuous  haste  of  the  Euro- 
pean. This  characteristic  of  the  Russian  trading  classes  hqs  en- 
abled them  to  insinuate  themselves  into  the  confidance  of  the  Chi- 
nese ; to  fraternize  and  identify  themselves  with  them,  and,  as  it 
were,  make  common  cause  with  them  in  their  daily  life  ; while  the 
European  holds  himself  aloof,  and  only  comes  in  contact  with  the 
Chinese  when  business  requires  it;  for  in  all  the  rest  a great  gulf 
separates  them  in  thoughts,  ideas,  and  the  aims  of  life.” — Siberian 
Overland  Route.  1864. 


Comprehending,  therefore,  the  Chinese  character, 
seeing  clearly  that  China  is  unable  to  perform  the 
elementary  functions  of  society,  that  Peking  is  an- 
other Teheran  or  Constantinople,  that,  while  the 
people  are  sound,  the  Court  and  the  officialdom  are 
corrupt,  Russia  has  studied  and  gained  over  certain 
influential  people,  and  applied  the  maxim  Divide  et 
impera  with  skill.*  What  China  is  taught  night  and 

* The  following  observations,  written  nearly  forty  years  ago  by 
Lockhart,  the  missionary,  after  a long  residence  in  China,  show  how 

355 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


day  is  that  Russia  is  a land  Power,  and  therefore 
alone  can  protect  China;  that  she  keeps  her  promises 
and  threats;  that  with  England  it  is  always  a case 
of  vox  ct  pr(cte7'ca  nihil.  In  short,  Russia  protects 
China  in  a peculiar  sense — that  is,  for  a price,  to  be 
paid  to  Russia  or  even  to  her  friends — a fact  which 
clearly  shows  how  powerless  is  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment and  how  powerful  that  of  the  Tsar.  The  dom- 
inating idea  instilled  into  the  Chinese  Court  and 
officialdom,  which,  in  the  absence  of  a strong  policy 
on  our  part,  are  in  a hypnotized  condition,  is  to  be 
saved  from  Japan.  The  great  object  of  Russian 


history  repeats  itself,  and  how  little  we,  as  a nation,  have  learned : 
“The  Russian  Government  anticipated  us — not  in  the  knowledge  of 
the  advantages  of  close  commercial  and  political  relations  with  an 
Empire  so  enormous  in  its  resources,  but  in  the  employment  of 
those  arguments  that  alone  could  render  a vain  and  effeminate  State 

sensible  of  their  value The  map  of  All  the  Russias,  published 

at  St.  Petersburg,  now  includes  that  vast  portion  of  Central  Asia 
heretofore  the  outlying  Provinces  of  the  Chinese  Empire  beyond 
the  Great  Wall.  Having  placed  a Mission  in  the  Chinese  capital, 
and  organized  an  overwhelming  army  in  Chinese  Tartary,  with 
magazines  of  warlike  resources,  Russia  easily  secured  a perma- 
nent footing  in  region  after  region,  till  she  had  dominated  over,  and 
then  obtained  the  cession  of,  all  the  intervening  space,  leaving  the 
conquest  of  the  entire  Chinese  Empire  to  the  time  when  it  should 
please  the  reigning  Tsar  to  order  his  Cossacks  to  take  possession. 
It  is  impossible  to  state  with  any  precision  the  amount  of  moral  or 
material  support  that  the  Chinese  Emperor  received  from  his  Im- 
perial brother  and  formidable  neighbor,  which  encouraged  him  to 
so  obstinate  a resistance  to  the  demands  of  England  and  France 
(in  i860);  but  a slight  acquaintance  with  Russian  policy  must  satisfy 
any  one  that,  having  established  itself  as  a favored  nation,  Russia 
could  not  regard  with  complacency  any  attempt  made  by  another 
nation  to  share  such  advantages.” 

356 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


policy  is  to  utilize  China  for  purposes  of  territorial 
and  political  expansion. 

What  the  utilization  of  China  would  mean  can 
only  be  realized  by  a full  appreciation  of  the  ex- 
traordinary resources  of  that  country  judged  from 
various  points  of  view.  She  has  the  men  to  create 
armies  and  navies  ; the  materials,  especially  iron  and 
coal,  requisite  for  the  purposes  of  railways  and  steam 
navigation — all  the  elements,  in  fact,  to  build  up  a 
srreat  livinGf  force.  One  thino^  alone  is  wantinsr — 

o o o o 

the  will,  the  directing  power — which,  absent  from 
within,  is  now  being  applied  from  without.  That 
supplied,  there  are  to  be  found  in  abundance  in 
China  the  capacity  to  carry  out,  the  brains  to  plan, 
the  hands  to  w^ork.  And  when  it  is  understood  that 
not  merely  is  the  soil  rich  and  fertile,  but  that  the 
mineral  resources — the  greatest,  perhaps,  in  the 
whole  world — are  as  yet  practically  untouched,  the 
merest  surface  being  scratched ; when  we  consider 
the  extent  of  China’s  population  ; the  ability  and  en- 
terprise, and,  above  all,  the  intense  vitality,  of  the 
people,  as  strong  as  ever  after  four  millenniums  ; 
when  we  reflect  on  the  general  characteristics  of  the 
race,  is  it  not  clear  that  the  Chinese,  under  direction, 
are  destined  to  dominate  the  whole  of  Eastern  Asia, 
and  maybe  to  play  a leading  part  in  the  affairs  of 
the  world  ? Even  although  the  Empire  appears  to 
be  now  breaking  up,*  it  is  capable,  under  tutelage, 

* “ The  theory  that  China's  decadence  is  due  to  the  fact  that  she 
has  long  since  reached  maturity,  and  has  outlived  the  natural  term 
of  national  e.xistence,  does  not  hold  good.  The  mass  of  the  people 

357 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


of  becoming  reconsoliclated.  Often  before  now, 
when  conquered,  has  China  either  thrown  off  the 
yoke  or  absorbed  its  conquerors.  But  never  before 
has  the  conqueror  come,  as  does  the  Tsar  to-day,  as 
a great  organizing  force — as  entraineur  d' homines. 

In  peaceful  pursuits,  in  agriculture,  the  arts  and 
manufactures,  no  limit  can  be  placed  to  the  capabili- 
ties of  China;  and  in  the  paths  of  war  it  is  difficult 
to  foretell  what,  under  direction,  may  not  be  accom- 
plished. Conquered  by  Russia,  organized,  disci- 
plined, and  led  by  Russian  officers  and  Russian  ad- 
ministrators, an  industrial  and  military  organization 
would  be  developed  which  India  could  not  face,  and 
which  would  shake  to  its  foundations  the  entire  fa- 
bric of  the  British  Empire. 

As  regards  the  excellent  quality  of  the  raw  mate- 
rial for  military  purposes,  high  testimony  has  been 
borne  by  travellers  and  military  critics.  Wdngrove 
Cooke,  the  Times  correspondent  with  the  Allied 
P'orces  in  1857-8,  one  of  the  best  critics  of  Chinese 
men  and  affairs  ; Count  d’Escayrac  de  Lauture,  one 
of  the  Peking  prisoners  in  1859-60;  Chinese  Gordon, 


have  not  degenerated  ; they  are  as  fresh  and  vigorous  as  ever  they 
were;  it  is  the  Government  only  that  has  become  old  and  feeble; 
and  a change  of  Dynasty  may  yet  restore  to  China  the  lustre  which 
legitimately  belongs  to  so  great  a nation.  The  indestructible  vital- 
ity of  Chinese  institutions  has  preserved  the  country  unchanged 
throughout  many  revolutions.  The  high  civilization  of  the  people, 
and  their  earnestness  in  the  pursuit  of  peaceful  industries,  have  en- 
abled them  to  maintain  their  national  existence  through  more  dy- 
nastic changes  than,  perhaps,  any  other  country  or  nation  has  ex- 
perienced.”— Michie,  Overland  Siberian  Route. 

358 


THE  POLITIC AL  QUESTION 


and  Lord  Wolseley,  have  all  spoken  highly  of  the 
courage  and  endurance  of  the  Chinese  soldier,  and 
an  excellent  resume  of  his  qualities  has  been  given 
by  one  who  had  experience  with  Gordon’s  “ Ever 
Victorious  Army.”*  Prjevalski  says,  a propos  of  the 
Tongking  campaign  : 

“She  (China)  lacks  the  proper  material ; she  lacks  the  life-giv- 
ing spirit.  Let  Europeans  supply  the  Chinese  with  any  number  of 
arms  that  they  please ; let  them  exert  themselves  ever  so  energeti- 
cally to  train  the  Chinese  soldiers;  let  them  even  supply  leaders ; 
the  Chinese  army  will,  nevertheless,  even  under  the  most  favorable 
conditions,  never  be  more  than  an  artificially  created,  mechanically 
united,  unstable  organism.  Subject  it  but  once  to  the  serious 
trial  of  war,  speedy  dissolution  will  overtake  such  an  army,  which 
could  never  hope  for  victory  over  a foe  animated  with  any  real 
spirit." 

If  the  Chinese  failed  to  profit  by  tlreir  numerical 
superiority  and  their  power  of  movement  in  Tong- 
king, it  must  be  remembered  that  they  were  as  ill 
equipped  and  supplied,  and  nearly  as  unorganized 


* “ The  old  notion  is  pretty  well  got  rid  of  that  they  are  at  all  a 
cowardly  people,  when  properly  paid  and  efficiently  led ; while  the 
regularity  and  order  of  their  habits,  which  dispose  them  to  peace  in 
ordinary  times,  gives  place  to  a daring  bordering  upon  recklessness 
in  time  of  war.  Their  intelligence  and  capacity  for  remembering 
facts  make  them  well  fitted  for  use  in  modern  warfare,  as  does  also 
the  coolness  and  calmness  of  their  disposition.  Physically,  they 
are,  on  the  average,  not  so  strong  as  Europeans,  but  considerably 
more  so  than  most  of  the  other  races  of  the  East ; and,  on  a cheap 
diet  of  rice,  vegetables,  salt  fish,  and  pork,  they  can  go  through  a 
vast  amount  of  fatigue,  whether  in  a temperate  climate  or  a tropical 
one,  where  Europeans  are  ill  fitted  for  exertion.  Their  wants  are 
few;  they  have  no  caste  prejudices,  and  hardly  any  appetite  for  in- 
toxicating liquors.” 


359 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


and  unofficered,  as  they  were  in  the  Chino-Japanese 
Wffir.  Transport,  commissariat,  tents,  medical  ser- 
vice— all  the  paraphernalia  employed  in  organized 
army  work  — were  then,  as  in  the  late  campaign, 
absolutely  unknown. 

Notwithstanding  the  judgment  of  Prjevalski  that 
they  are  animated  by  neither  military  nor  patriotic 
spirit,  my  opinion  is  that,  however  undisciplined 
they  proved  themselves  in  the  Chino-Japanese 
War ; however  badly  the  undrilled,  unfed,  unled 
Chinamen  in  uniform  compared  with  the  highly 
organized  troops  of  Japan,  their  capabilities  as  a 
fighting  machine  may  be  rated  exceedingly  high. 
The  apparent  inconsistencies  of  the  Chinese  can, 
perhaps,  be  reconciled.  That  they  offer  excellent 
military  material,  when  shaped  and  guided  by  for- 
eigners, is  certain.  No  doubt  whatever  should  be 
entertained  on  this  subject.  If  from  the  Manchuri- 
an provinces,  mainly  Shantung  men,  they  are  steady, 
willing  to  be  taught,  and  amenable  to  discipline ; of 
splendid  physique,  and  able  to  bear  hardships  and 
cold  without  a murmur.  If  from  Hunan,  they  pos- 
sess many  of  the  best  characteristics  of  highland 
races — dash,  courage,  and  loyalty  to  their  own  lead- 
ers— but  they  are  more  difficult  to  manage,  and  are 
not  so  steady  in  any  sense  of  the  word.  Recruits 
from  the  Shantung  province  would  prove  the  best : 
their  physique  and  their  docility  would  certainly 
leave  nothing  to  be  desired.  The  Southerners  seem 
to  be  generally  held  in  low  esteem,  but  we  must  not 
forget  that  the  best  fighters  of  the  Taiping  armies 

360 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


were  the  men  from  the  Canton  province,  and  as  sea- 
men the  coast  populations  of  southern  China  are  un- 
equalled— a point  to  be  borne  in  mind.*  The  west- 
ern highlanders,  whether  Mohammedans  or  not,  are 
men  of  good  physique,  and  would  make  good  fight- 
ing material.  The  Mongolians  are  horsemen  from 
their  early  years,  and  doubtless  have  the  qualities 
for  the  making  of  light  cavalry  of  the  Cossack  type. 
Russia  knows  this  well,  and  has  for  many  years 
flattered  the  chiefs  in  small  ways,  and  accustomed 
them  to  look  up  to  her  as  a great  overshadowing 
power  at  their  doors.  The  tribes  will  act  as  the 


*“  It  may  be  that  it  would  not  be  impossible  to  find  in  China  all 
the  elements  necessary  for  organizing  the  most  formidable  army  in 
the  world.  The  Chinese  are  intelligent,  ingenious,  and  docile.  They 
comprehend  rapidly  whatever  they  are  taught,  and  retain  it  in  their 
memory.  They  are  persevering, and  astonishingly  active  when  they 
choose  to  exert  themselves,  respectful  to  authority,  submissive  and 
obedient,  and  they  would  easily  accommodate  themselves  to  all  the 
exigencies  of  the  severest  discipline.  The  Chinese  possess  also  a 
quality  most  precious  in  soldiers,  and  which  can  scarcely  be  found 
as  well  developed  among  any  other  people — namely,  an  incompar- 
able facility  for  supporting  privations  of  every  kind.  We  have  often 
been  astonished  to  see  how  they  will  bear  hunger,  thirst,  heat,  cold, 
the  difficulties  and  fatigues  of  a long  march,  as  if  it  were  mere  play. 
Thus  both  morally  and  physically  they  seem  capable  of  meeting 
every  demand. 

“China  would  present  also  inexhaustible  resources  for  a navy. 
Without  speaking  of  the  vast  extent  of  her  coasts,  along  which  the 
numerous  population  pass  the  greater  part  of  their  lives  on  the  sea, 
the  great  rivers  and  immense  lakes  in  the  interior,  always  covered 
with  fishing  and  trading  junks,  might  furnish  multitudes  of  men, 
habituated  from  their  infancy  to  navigation,  nimble,  experienced, 
and  capable  of  becoming  excellent  sailors  for  long  expeditions.” — 
The  Chinese  Empire.  Huc. 


361 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


chiefs  direct,  for  there  is  no  tie  of  national  feeling 
between  them  and  the  Chinese.  The  Manchii,  who 
settles  down  as  a married  man,  and  passes  his  time 
in  eating,  sleeping,  and  smoking  opium,  as  a soldier 
is  now  despised,  while  the  Hunan  “brave”  is  re- 
garded as  the  warrior  who  does  any  hard  fighting 
which  is  on  hand. 

Like  the  Central  Asian  peoples,  the  Chinese  pos- 
sess, in  a high  degree,  the  virtue  of  passive  bravery. 
At  first  the  Russians  expended  much  time  and 
wasted  many  lives  in  besieging  and  storming  towns 
in  Central  Asia,  acting  with  caution,  throwing  up 
approaches  and  opening  trenches.  But  this  method 
was  abandoned  for  that  of  open  escalade — for  in- 
stance, at  Tashkend,  Khojand,  and  Uratapa.  Then 
was  adopted  the  plan  of  storming  the  breaches,  to 
effect  which  breaching  batteries  were  thrown  up 
at  very  close  quarters,  when,  choosing  a favorable 
time,  the  place  was  carried  by  storm.  From  every 
point  of  view  this  proved  to  be  the  best  plan.  The 
Chinaman,  as  has  been  proved  repeatedly,  is  like 
the  Central  Asian  in  the  respect  that  under  cover 
he  sustains  the  heaviest  fire  with  indifference ; he 
never  surrenders  except  under  bold  assault,  which 
he  cannot  withstand  — he  cannot  bear  the  cold 
steel. 

That  China  was  confronted  with  a dilemma  from 
which  there  was  no  escape  has  long  been  seen. 
Two  courses  were  open  to  her : either,  as  Prjevalski 
says,  to  “plunge  headlong  into  the  vortex  of  absolute 

362 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


and  complete  reform  and  change  in  all  branches  of 
her  institutions,  social  and  political,  or  elect  to  re- 
main under  the  dominion  of  all  her  old  traditions, 
parrying  as  best  she  may  the  pressure  of  the  Euro- 
peans.” The  second  alternative,  as  was  inevitable, 
failed  irretrievably  in  China,  as  it  had  done  in  Siam. 
China  attempted  the  impossible  in  trying  to  defend 
herself,  not  by  reform  and  active  measures  for  de- 
fence, but  by  playing  off  the  mutual  rivalries  and 
adverse  interests  of  the  European  Powers  who 
threatened  her — and  therein  lies  a lesson  for  our- 
selves. Such  a policy  peculiarly  commends  itself  to 
the  crafty  Chinaman,  who,  in  the  crooked  paths  of 
diplomacy,  has  little  to  learn.* 

Tlie  eastern  advance  of  Russia  has  been  towards 
the  Pacific,  but  that  movement  was  always  made 
with  a main  eye  southward  on  China — on  the  rich 
plains,  the  commanding  seaports,  and  the  ine.x- 
haustible  resources  of  her  sleeping  and  unconscious 
neighbor.  She  has  recently  succeeded  in  taking, 
per  saltum,  a step  of  immense  consequence  towards 
the  domination  of  China.  The  next  move  will  be, 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  the  conquest  of  Chinese 

*“ Simulating  where  necessary  liberalism;  adopting  in  appear- 
ance the  policy  now  of  this,  now  of  that  power,  according  as  the  one 
or  the  other  coincided  with  her  own  immediate  interests  ; fawning 
on  the  strong  and  bullying  the  weak  — in  a word,  cleverly  exploiting 
both  friend  and  foe,  while  secretly  laughing  at  both  in  her  sleeve, 
China  may  yet  continue  for  a long  time  to  exist  as  an  independent 
and  self-sufficient  power  ; and,  while  extending  this  hypocritical 
policy  to  an  indefinite  extent,  may  very  likely  one  day  form  for 
Europe  a new  ‘Sick  Man.’  " — Prjevalski. 

363 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


Turkestan  and  Mongolia,  for  which  purpose  admin- 
istrative steps  have  already  been  taken  by  Russia; 
and  the  process  has  been  rendered  immeasurably 
easier  by  the  Russian  occupation  of  the  Liaotung 
Peninsula  in  southern  Manchuria.  It  is  not  difificult 
to  foresee  what  is  about  to  occur  in  the  near  future. 
Following  upon  Chinese  Mongolia  and  Turkestan 
will  come  Tibet ; and  this  is  a matter  of  real  conse- 
quence for  England  as  an  Asiatic  Power ; for 
Lhassa  is  the  spiritual  centre  of  the  Buddhist  world, 
and  it  is  from  Lhassa  that  Mongolia,  as  well  as 
Tibet,  is  politically  controlled.  That  Russia  recog- 
nizes the  importance  of  this  question  may  be  judged 
from  the  sacrifices  she  has  made  in  studying  the 
Tibetan  borderlands.  Year  by  year  have  Russian 
“ scientific  expeditions  ” persistently  examined  all  the 
routes  to  Lhassa,  whether  from  Kashgaria  on  the 
one  hand,  or  western  China  on  the  other.  Russia 
evidently  means  to  reach  Lhassa  before  Britain 
does.  It  is,  perhaps,  hopeless  to  e.xpect  a country 
that  viewed  with  apathy  and  indifference  the  course 
of  recent  events  in  China  to  attach  much  importance 
to  such  a question  as  Tibet.  No  large  trade  is 
there  in  view,  and  few  results  could  be  shown  to 
satisfy  the  political  economist;  but  none  the  less  will 
the  domination  of  Tibet  drive  another  nail  into  the 
coffin  of  China.  Now  that  Russia  is  established  in 
northern  China,  the  control  by  Britain  of  Tibet  and 
of  southwestern  China  is  necessary  for  the  protec- 
tion of  India  and  Burma  on  the  one  hand,  and  for  the 
command  of  central  China  on  the  other.  Not  only 

364 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


is  China,  who  has  proved  herself  unable  to  defend 
her  own  territory,  quite  unable  to  control  Tibet,  but 
there  has  already  been  danger  to  China  herself  from 
that  quarter — a danger  made  clear  by  the  fact  that 
frontier  Tibetans  actually  disputed  with  China,  not 
long  ago,  territory  lying  to  the  east  of  their  country. 
With  Russia  in  command  of  Tibet,  the  danger,  which 
under  present  circumstances  is  but  slight,  would  at 
once  assume  an  entirely  different  character. 

Although  the  greater  portion  of  the  Mongolians 
have  become  degraded,  there  are  still  among  them, 
especially  the  northern  Mongols,  tribes  retaining 
some  of  the  old  spirit,  and  it  is  these  and  the  people 
of  Manchuria  who  will  first  be  em.ployed  in  China. 
Russians  are  never  tired  of  being  reminded  by  their 
military  leaders  and  political  writers  that  it  was  the 
Mongol  hordes  that  overthrew  the  Roman  Empire 
and  carried  devastation  into  the  heart  of  India. 
Under  Russian  leadership,  what  may  not  be  expected 
from  the  organization,  first  of  these  tribes,  and  later 
of  the  Chinese,  is  their  constant  theme. 

In  view,  then,  of  the  enormous  amount  of  work 
yet  to  be  accomplished  in  the  settlement  of  her 
vast  territories,  simultaneously  with  the  laying  down 
of  a network  of  railway  communications — not  to 
speak  of  Mongolia  and  the  extreme  portion  of  north- 
ern China  (of  which  Peking  is  the  centre),  to  be 
dealt  with  later — the  Russians  were  not  altogether 
indisposed  to  see  a powerful,  accommodating,  and  safe 
neighbor  and  friend  in  Europe  established  in  the  Shan- 
tung Peninsula,  conterminous  with  Russia,  and  com- 

365 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


mitted,  as  they  hoped,  to  support  the  Russian  posi- 
tion against  any  one  who  would  be  likely  to  assail  it. 
Russia,  expert  in  putting  a “face”  on  things,  has 
also  succeeded  in  placing  China  completely  at  her 
ease,  while  occupying  her  territories  and  war  ports. 

The  combination  at  work  in  China  takes  the  form 
then,  of  a three-cornered  pact, — China,  Russia,  and 
France  — the  last  somewhat  fidgety,  doubtless;  and 
to  this  pact  Germany  feels  bound  under  existing  cir- 
cumstances to  subscribe.*  The  French  “ sphere” — 
the  South,  with  Yunnan  and  Szechuan  as  objectives, 
is  not  adversely  affected,  for  none  of  the  “ spheres  ” 
of  Russia,  Germany,  and  France  clash. f The  time 
for  the  late  coup  was  certainly  well  chosen,  for 
neither  Britain  nor  Japan  was  ready  to  oppose.  The 
former  was  preoccupied  in  various  parts  of  Africa 
and  on  the  northwest  frontier  of  India;  the  latter 
was  seriously  embarrassed  financially,  while  her 
armament,  which  she  is  straining  every  nerve  to 
complete,  remained  unfinished.  Our  rivals  had 
diagnosed  the  situation.  They  had  their  plan  and 
the  machinery  for  carrying  it  out.  And  it  was  all 
done  on  the  principle  of  de  I'aiidace  ct  tojijours  de 
I'audacc,  while  they  were  themselves  still  in  a weak 
position  in  the  Far  East. 

Presumably  to  inculcate  philosophical  resigna- 
tion, we  heard  a good  deal  of  the  “ favored-nation  ” 

* A well-known  German  statesman  said  in  1897:  “Germany  is 
ready  to  follow  the  English  lead,  but  there  is  no  English  lead  to 
follow.” 

t See  Herr  von  Billow’s  speech  on  February  7,  1898. 

366 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


formula  being  applied  in  China — every  fresh  port 
was  to  be  regarded  as  a “ treaty  port.”  But  the 
doctrine  has  already  been  shown  to  be  inapplicable 
in  cases  like  Port  Arthur  and  Talienvvan.  Could 
we  claim  equal  rights  either  there  or  at  Kiaochau, 
with  “ lease  ” and  sovereign  powers,  with  railways 
and  mining  rights,  and  hinterland  under  practically 
military  control It  was  asserted,  too,  that  the 
value  of  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan  was  not  great, 
and  that  Russia  had  not  strengthened  herself  by 
goino;  there.  A dangerous  delusion  this  to  enter- 
tain  ! With  a hinterland  full  of  resources  and  with 
a splendid  race  of  men,  such  as  both  possess,  in  the 
hands  of  protectionist  Powers,  the  result  is  clear. 
Kiaochau  and  its  hinterland  were  also  pronounced 
valueless.  One  argument  used  to  demonstrate  how 
little  could  be  done  there  is  that  Hongkong  has 
made  but  little  impression  on  the  interior.  But 
there  we  are  merely  on  an  island,  on  the  very  outer 
fringe,  with  no  hinterland  which  we  were  deter- 
mined, coute  qiii  coute,  to  develop.  With  roads,  rail- 
ways, and  mines  systematically  worked ; with  the 
back  country,  in  fact,  opened  up,  we  shall  soon  have 
an  object-lesson  in  Shantung  as  to  the  potential 
value  of  at  least  one  part  of  China.*  And  as  to  that 

* “ When  one  considers  how  much  energy  is  being  displayed  in 
mapping  out  and  apportioning  the  waste  places  of  the  earth,  and 
how  much  heat  is  occasionally  evolved  over  some  trifling  piece  of 
hinterland  of  no  great  value  to  any  one,  one  wonders  that  the  Far 
East  claims  so  little  of  public  attention  in  this  country.  For  there 
we  have  not  only  enormous  tracts  of  territory  as  yet  almost  unde- 
veloped, as  for  instance  great  parts  of  Manchuria,  Mongolia,  and 

367 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


of  Manchuria,  I never  met  in  China  any  one  of  au- 
thority who  entertained  the  slightest  doubt  on  the 
subject.  If  the  insular  Englishman  cannot  realize 
its  value,  let  him  ask  the  opinion  of  some  British- 
Columbians — men  of  his  own  race  inhabitingr  a sim- 

O 

ilar  country.  There  were  people  also,  by-the-way, 
who  thought  British  Columbia  “ worthless.” 

O 

Recent  events  in  China  have,  at  least,  done  Brit- 
ain one  service : they  have  in  some  degree  dispelled 
the  mists  which  obscured  the  real  China  from  our 
vision.  If  we  have  not  yet  made  up  our  mind  as  to 
the  policy  that  ought  to  be  pursued,  we  begin  at 
least  to  perceive  what  our  interests  are.  It  is  now 
universally  recognized  that  our  interests  are,  so  long 
as  possible,  “ commercial,  and  not  territorial,”  that 
all  we  claim  is  equal  participation  ; and  that  we 
mean  not  to  be  excluded.  We  have  at  last  got  a 
definition  of  the  “ room-for-all  ” doctrine  which,  ad- 
mirable in  the  abstract,  remains  a mere  empty  for- 
mula unless  followed  up  in  practice.  And  to  have 
the  formula  applied  is  what  the  country  should  in- 


northern Corea,  all  white  man’s  land  and  all  capable  of  bearing 
rich  harvests,  but  the  whole  of  China  proper  is  as  yet  unexploited 
by  the  engineer  and  the  railway  contractor.  China  is  about  the 
only  part  of  the  world  where  the  engineer  has  not  set  foot,  and  yet 
there  is  no  part  of  the  world  where  his  services  are  more  needed  or 
would  be  better  rewarded.  . . . These  facts  are,  I think,  much  more 
clearly  perceiv'ed  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  there  should  be  an  eagerness  displayed  among  our 
commercial  rivals  to  be  the  first  in  the  field  for  the  privilege  of 
introducing  into  China  the  modern  improvements  of  steam  and 
electricity.” — Mr.  Consul-General  Jamieson,  Address  to  Lo7idon 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  October,  1897. 

368 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


sist  on,  leaving  the  Government  to  devise  the  special 
machinery  for  its  accomplishment.  That  British 
policy  has  been  lamentably  invertebrate  of  late 
years,  and  will  be  again  unless  the  country  wakes 
up,  is  clear.*  Not  for  the  first  time  is  it  that  some- 
thing like  a true  perception  of  British  interests  has 
been  reached,  only  to  be  followed  by  a relapse  into 
the  previous  apathy.  Macaulay’s  description  of 
England’s  national  character — that  she  acts  by  fits 
and  starts,  collecting  all  her  energy  once  in  twenty 
years,  and  then  falling  back  into  the  rich  man’s  lassi- 
tude— is  too  true.  Britain  should  not  adopt  the 
Chinese  idea  of  successful  government — Chih  tsai 
pu  wei — which  may  be  freely  rendered,  “ The  secret 
of  government  is  inaction.”  What  has  been  and  is 
still  wanting  is  a vigorous  but,  above  all,  a sustained 
pursuit  and  defence  of  those  interests.  It  is  only 
because  she  has  been  neglected  by  Britain  that 
China  has  yielded  to  the  sustained  pressure  of 
Russia,  just  as  Persia  has  done.  Our  treaties  would 
have  enabled  us  to  perfectly  safeguard  and  advance 
our  interests,  but  we  failed  to  give  them  prac- 
tical effect.  British  enterprise  has  never,  in  fact. 


* Not  to  mention  Madagascar  and  Tunis,  Siam  furnishes  an 
object-lesson  apposite  to  this  China  question  as  regards  the  defence 
of  our  interests.  There  87  per  cent,  of  the  shipping  and  twelve- 
thirteenths  of  the  imports  and  exports  are  British.  France  had 
recently  only  one  steamer  running  between  Saigon  and  Bangkok. 
Yet  our  predominant  interests  did  not  insure  their  defence,  nor  did 
forbearance  secure  immunity  from  attack.  In  Siam  we  had  a 
simple  problem — only  France  to  face.  In  China  we  have  a very 
different  and  infinitely  more  difficult  question  to  deal  with. 

2 A 369 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


been  supported  as  it  should  be  since  Palmerston’s 
time. 

The  doctrine  of  “ equal  trade,”  as  a principle  to  be 
fought  for,  is  theoretically  admirable  from  our  point 
of  view,  but  how  about  its  application  ? If  meaning 
anything,  it  involves  our  refusal  to  permit  any  for- 
eign Power  to  acquire  further  territory  unless  it 
adopts  “ equal  trade  ” in  such  territory — even  at  the 
cost  of  war.  Foreign  Powers,  seeing  this,  will  nego- 
tiate and  temporize  with  us  in  the  future,  as  they 
have  done  in  the  past.  They  will  promise,  and  they 
will  respect  their  assurances  just  as  long  as  it  suits 
them — no  longer.  They  understand  that  for  the 
present  their  distant  possessions  are  far  from  secure ; 
but  ten  years  hence,  even  sooner,  Russia  at  least 
will  be  independent  of  our  sea  power.  She  will 
then  be  invulnerable  on  land,  while  she  will  be 
much  stronger  for  offence  at  sea. 

Notwithstandinjj  manv  warnings,  England  refused 
to  recognize  that  “spheres  of  influence”  were  com- 
ing into  operation.  We  had  several  important  state- 
ments on  this  subject  from  France  and  Germany, 
and  the  more  signiflcant  silence  of  Russia.*  And 
“ facts  speak  for  themselves.”  Clearly  this  reliance 
on  our  theoretical  treaty  rights  is  completely  illusory  ; 
it  merely  gives  the  Russian  domination  of  China 


* We  had  the  statement  of  Herr  von  Billow,  “The  spheres  do  not 
clash”;  the  significant  reference  of  M.  Decrais  to  Nanning  and 
Talienvvan,  which  turned  out  to  be  prophetic ; and  the  utterance  of 
M.  Hanotaux  as  to  the  reservation  of  southern  China  for  French 
exploitation. 


370 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


time  to  take  root,  for,  since  we  so  ostentatiously  rely 
on  verbal  security,  they  are  not  likely  to  use  the  set 
form  of  words  which  might  alarm  us.  They  need 
not  openly  advance  pretensions  or  formulate  claims, 
yet  may  possess  the  substance  while  we  please  our- 
selves with  the  shadow.  No  sphere  of  influence 
which  stops  short  of  actual  annexation  could  give 
the  right  to  establish  exclusive  control,  we  were  con- 
stantly assured.  But  the  Russian  “ utilization,”  not 
merely  of  Manchuria  and  Corea,  but  of  Northern 
China,  will  continue  until  the  Tsar  converts  his 
present  indefinite  into  a specific  domination  of  China 
at  and  from  Peking.  The  capital  itself  is  disadvan- 
tageously  situated.  Formerly,  having  only  to  fear 
the  incursions  of  the  Mongols  or  the  risings  of  the 
Chinese,  it  occupied  a good  strategic  position,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  fortified  mountains  pro- 
tecting it  from  the  northwest,  near  the  Grand 
Canal  which  carried  its  supplies,  and  not  far  from 
the  Manchu  tribes,  who  were  ready,  at  a given 
signal,  to  come  to  the  assistance  of  their  menaced 
kinsmen.  But  to-day  Peking  and  Northern  Clii- 
na  are  practically  at  the  mercy  of  Russia,  and  will 
be  completely  so  once  Manchuria  is  fairly  devel- 
oped. 

The  one  “ ice-free  [commercial]  port  ” on  the 
Pacific  which  might  have  contented  Russia  a year 
or  two  ago  will  not  satisfy  her  now  that  she  is  in 
possession  of  Port  Arthur  and  the  Liaotung  Penin- 
sula. She  wants  all  the  ports  and  hinterlands,  in 
fact  everything,  in  Northern  China  and  Corea,  and 

371 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


after  that  the  further  steps  are  easy  to  foresee.  Ob- 
viously, it  was  hopeless  to  try  to  arrest  Russia  by 
words  and  phrases.  Paper  concessions  are  no 
solid  barrier ; and  the  control  of  the  sea-borne  Cus- 
toms, seemingly  the  alpha  and  omega  of  our  pol- 
icy, will  be  of  little  value  if  our  influence  on 
land  is  destroyed.  Is  trade  not  generated  on  land, 
and  is  not  Russia  in  potential  possession  of  the 
land  ? 

In  view,  then,  of  the  present  position — the  move- 
ment of  Russia  in  the  north,  and  of  France  in  the 
south,  and  now  with  Germany  also  established  on 
the  mainland  between  the  two  and  flankincj  the 

O 

Russian  position  ; with  a Russian  system  of  railways* 
being  pushed  forward  with  feverish  haste  (the  Si- 
berian Railway!  'to  be  completed  in  four  years,  and 

* Plans  for  the  construction  of  an  important  through  line  of  rail- 
way from  the  frontiers  of  European  Russia  in  the  Ural  to  Tashkend 
in  Central  Asia  are  engaging  the  careful  consideration  of  the  St. 
Petersburg  War  Office.  The  existing  Trans-Caspian  Railway,  when 
carried  as  far  as  Tashkend,  is  to  be  connected  with  the  Trans- 
Siberian  road.  Two  alternative  routes  have  been  surveyed,  and  are 
now  under  the  consideration  of  the  War  Minister.  One  starts  from 
Chelyabinsk — the  point  where  the  Trans-Siberian  line  begins — and 
runs  by  way  of  Troitzk,  Nikolaievsk,  Turgai,  Turkestani,  and 
Chimkend  to  Tashkend ; the  other  makes  a junction  with  the 
Siberian  line  at  Ishim,  and  goes  via  Petro-Paulovsk,  Kokchetov, 
Albasar,  and  Turkestani  to  Chimkend  and  Tashkend.  This  con- 
necting line  will  be  of  great  strategic  value  to  Russia  ; it  will  enable 
her  to  send  troops  without  break  from  Moscow  and  European 
Russia  to  Central  Asia,  and  also  allow  men  to  be  moved  from 
Turkestan  to  Eastern  Siberia  and  Manchuria,  and  vice  versa. 

t The  Siberian  Railway  is  now  open  to  Kansk,  the  distances  being 
as  follows : 


372 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


the  Manchurian  railways*  in  six) ; with  Russian  in- 
fluence all-powerful  at  Peking,  and  dominating  her 
working  partner,  practically  a hostage  to  Russia — 
what  is  to  be  done  ? After  all,  fhat  is  the  crux  of 
the  whole  problem. 

It  is  useless  for  this  country  to  talk  of  safeguard- 
ing our  interests  in  the  Far  East  if  we  are  bent  on 
empire  - making  in  Central  Africa.  Its  most  san- 
guine advocates  hope  only  to  create  in  the  Dark 
Continent  another,  an  inferior,  India  — viimis  the 
population  and  the  civilization.  But  the  deadly  cli- 
mate and  the  status  of  the  negro  race  preclude  all 
idea  of  our  ever  founding  such  an  empire.  I am  in 
favor  of  “ white  man’s  ” countries,  and  also  of  purely 
trading  markets,  but  Equatorial  Africa  promises 
neither.!  Yet  Britain  thinks  it  good  business  to 
make  railways  to  Uganda,  while  she  has  actually 
not  seen  her  way  to  connect  India  and  China,  the 


Moscow  to  Tcheliabinsk 2058  versts 

Tcheliabinsk  to  Krasnoiarsk 2037  " 

Krasnoiarsk  to  Kansk 228  “ 

Total 4323 


The  line  will  be  open  to  Irkutsk  this  autumn. 

The  Russians  are  confident  that  Peking  will,  one  day,  be  theirs. 
“ We  will  conquer  China  by  railways,”  said  a young  Russian  in  my 
presence  at  Peking— language  constantly  heard  among  Russians. 

* See  the  admirable  description  of  the  Trans-Manchurian  Rail- 
way, by  the  special  correspondent  of  the  Times,  in  the  issue  of 
March  7,  1898. 

+ We  have  heard  a great  deal  of  the  creation  of  African  domin- 
ions which"  will  form  fresh  markets  for  our  British  manufacturers, 
and  new  homes  for  our  surplus  population,  whether  the  overflow 
proceed  from  the  British  Isles  or  from  British  India.” 


373 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


two  most  populous  empires  in  the  world.  We  have 
only  a certain  reserve  fund  to  draw  upon,  and  we 
ha\e  to  choose  between  objects  to  which  we  shall 
apply  it.  Our  enterprises  in  Central  Africa  are 
mainly  territorial,  the  very  elements  of  commerce  in 
such  a savage  country  being  necessarily  non-existent. 
So  long  as  our  resources,  moral  and  material,  are 
drained  off  to  found  an  Equatorial  African  Empire, 
so  long,  in  my  opinion,  will  our  substantial  interests 
all  over  the  world,  but  more  especially  in  the  Ear 
East,  be  neglected.  Presuming,  however,  as  an 
absolute  preliminary  to  effective  action  in  China, 
that  the  country  seriously  means  to  devote  to  its 
interests  in  China  a fair  proportion  of  its  attention, 
we  have  two  agencies  ready  for  use  at  our  command, 
— financial  resources  and  sea-power. 

In  certain  critical  situations — such  as  the  present 
— we  possess  the  power  to  assist  China  and  lay 
down  conditions,  and  the  opportunity  should  be 
taken  advantage  of ; but  we  must  beware  that  we 
do  not  expend  our  resources  merely  to  secure 
another  creditor.  To  rely  on  diplomacy  alone  will 
be  entirely  futile,  for  our  diplomacy,  which  has 
failed  in  the  past,  is  not  likely  to  alter  for  the 
better.  We  must  make  up  our  minds  w’hat  we  mean 
to  strive  for,  and  how  we  are  going  to  get  it.  The 
old  days  of  monopoly,  when  we  “ stumbled  into 
success,”  are  gone  forever,  and  we  have  entered 
upon  an  era  of  politico-commercial  competition  of 
a very  fierce  nature.  The  pursuit  of  trade  and 
empire  will  not  relax,  but  will  increase,  and  we 

374 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 

must  readjust  our  antiquated  machinery,  employing 
all  the  methods  of  modern  education,  modern  disci- 
pline, and  modern  government.  The  line  of  conduct 
to  be  pursued  by  the  mercantile  maritime  nations  is 
clear.  Their  policy  is  to  strengthen  their  position 
and  influence  at  Peking,  with  a view  to  keeping  open 
a market  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  millions  ready 
for  development,  and  towards  that  ‘end  to  induce 
China — by  pressure,  if  necessary — to  adopt  measures 
which  would  be  of  advantage  to  all  the  world,  includ- 
ing herself.  The  position  is  difficult,  but  it  has  to  be 
faced.  Foremost  among  these  measures  is  the  open- 
ing of  the  country  to  foreign  enterprise  and  capital 
by  means  of  communications,  railways,  and  water- 
ways, for  they  are  the  necessary  preliminaries  to 
administrative  reforms,  which  it  is  useless  to  attempt 
until  efficient  communications  exist.  These  once 
established,  administrative  reforms  will  follow  as  a 
natural  consequence.  That  China  can  have  no  insu- 
perable objection  to  giving  way  on  this  cjuestion  of 
internal  communications  is  made  clear  by  the  con- 
cessions she  has  already  granted  to  Russia  for  an 
immense  network  of  railways  within  Chinese  terri- 
tory; the  granting  of  similar  railway  rights  even  to 
France  in  the  south ; the  arrangement  made  last 
year  with  a so-called  “ Belgian  ” syndicate  for  the 
Peking- Hankau  line;  the  important  railway  and 
mining  rights  granted  to  Germany,  and,  quite  re- 
cently, the  concessions  made  in  northern  and  central 
China.  The  Chinese  have  attempted  to  carry  out 
railway  schemes  without  foreign  control  and  by 

375 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


means  of  Chinese  capital,  and  have  failed  com- 
pletely. In  the  matter  of  mining  enterprises  the 
same  may  be  said,  though  in  a minor  degree. 

Now  is  the  time  to  press  on  China  a comprehen- 
sive policy  of  opening  the  country.  In  pressing  such 
measures  the  mercantile  Powers  would  be  on  solid 
ground,  more  especially  if  what  was  urged  were  not 
e.xclusive,  but  for  the  evident  security  of  China  and 
the  prosperity  of  her  entire  foreign  trade.  The 
Chinese  are,  on  their  part,  not  unwilling  to  have  a 
counterbalance  pressed  on  them,  but  they  must  be 
strengthened  and  stiffened.  No  surer  method  of 
supporting  China  can  be  devised  than  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  capital  of  Britain,  the  United  States,  and 
Germany,  the  chief  commercial  nations  of  the  world. 
Railways  must  connect  our  land-base,  Burma,  and 
our  sea-base,  Hongkong,  with  the  Upper  Yangtsze; 
for  such  a connection  is  necessary  both  for  the  safety 
of  China  and  of  India.  The  waterways  must  be 
opened  by  steam  in  every  direction.  The  mines  of 
central  and  southern  China  must  be  exploited. 
Capitalists,  manufacturers,  and  merchants  must  be 
alert,  and  should  be  supported  by  their  governments 
in  every  possible  manner.  The  interest  of  our  colo- 
nies in  this  question  should  by  no  means  be  over- 
looked. It  is  right  that  they  should  co-operate  in 
the  question  of  colonial  defence,  but  in  all  Imperial 
concerns  it  is  the  mother-country  that  must  lead. 
Should  she  not  recognize  her  duty,  it  may  be  safely 
predicted  that  Australians  and  Canadians  will  yet 
bitterly  resent  the  neglect  of  their  obvious  interests. 

376 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


Through  Canada  lies  the  all  - British  route  to  the 
Far  East,*  and  the  natural  destiny  of  Australia,  as 
of  the  United  States,  is  to  enjoy  the  freedom  of  the 
Pacific.!  Our  colonial  kinsmen  rightly  look  to  us 
to  see  that  the  vast  trading  regions  of  China  and 
Japan  are  kept  open. 

The  general  position  with  which  we  have  to  deal 
in  its  salient  features  is  as  follows : 

A few  years  hence  European  Russia  will  be  linked 
to  the  Pacific.  Her  Siberian  and  Manchurian  prov- 
inces will  be  joined  through  southern  Manchuria 
with  the  Liaotung  Peninsula.  The  hinterland  of 
that  peninsula  will  be  traversed  by  railways,  its  great 
mineral  wealth  will  have  entered  upon  the  initial 
stage  of  development.  The  strategic  positions — 
Port  Arthur,  Talienwan,  and  Kincliau  — held  by 
Russia,  o;uarding[  this  hinterland  and  commanding: 
the  inland  Chinese  waters,  and  dominating  Peking 
and  northern  China  absolutely,  will  have  been  com- 

* In  view  of  the  European  competition  with  ourselves  in  China 
and  Japan  our  all-British  service  for  mails,  passengers,  and  samples 
via  Canada  should  be  boldly  developed.  The  route  is  a great  circle, 
in  temperate  regions,  a short  Atlantic  link,  a fast  train  link,  and  a 
ten  days’  Pacific  voyage  by  the  magnificent  steamers  of  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway  Company.  A weekly  and  “ first-class  ” service  would 
be  a powerful  aid  to  our  supremacy  in  the  Far  East. 

t “ Amid  the  uncertainties  which  are  gathering  round  us  at  home, 
a future  so  obscure  that  the  wisest  men  will  least  venture  a con- 
jecture what  that  future  will  be,  it  is  something  to  have  seen  with 
our  own  eyes  that  there  are  other  Englands  besides  the  old  one, 
where  the  race  is  thriving  with  all  its  ancient  characteristics.  . . . 
Let  Fate  do  its  worst,  the  family  of  Oceana  is  still  growing,  and 
will  have  a sovereign  voice  in  the  coming  fortunes  of  mankind.” — 
Oceana,  J.  A.  Froude. 


377 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


pleted.  Corea  will  be  held  in  a vice,  to  be  dealt  with 
later,  Japan  being  meanwhile  placated  by  an  illusory 
free  hand  there,  and  being  pushed  southward  on 
the  “ room  for  both  ” theory.  Germany  will  develop 
her  hinterland  from  Kiaochau,  and,  by  reason  of  her 
position  in  Europe  and  in  China,  will  be  a hostage 
to  fortune  at  that  place,  unless  a fundamental  change 
occurs  bringing  about  an  active  working  understand- 
ing between  herself  and  England.  Erance,  in  the 
south,  the  junior  partner  in  the  Eranco  - Russian 
alliance,  will  continue  her  political  programme,  which 
is  to  drive  in  a wedge — not  necessarily  a territorial 
one  — between  Burma  and  the  Upper  Yangtsze. 
She  will  also  endeavor  to  hinder  our  connections, 
throimh  the  western  and  northern  hinterlands  of 

o 

Hongkong,  with  Yunnan  on  the  west  and  the  Cen- 
tral Yangtsze  on  the  north.  Japan  having  come  to 
an  arrangement  with  Russia  regarding  Corea,  has 
acquired  a hold  upon  Fukien  province,  with  aspira- 
tions to  a hinterland  for  that  province,  encouraged 
always  by  Russia. 

The  next  stage  will  be  the  Russian  domination  of 
Mongolia,  and,  unless  arrested  by  Britain,  of  Tibet 
also;  and,  should  this  come  to  pass,  nothing  can 
save  northwestern  China  down  to  the  Yangtsze 
basin. 

Under  such  circumstances  it  is  a question  of  vital 
importance — a matter  of  life  and  death — for  England 
to  maintain  and  consolidate  herself  absolutely  in 
the  Yangtsze  basin,  which  cannot  possibly  be  done 
except  by  an  effective  occupation  of  the  Upper 

378 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


Yangtsze,  and  by  developing  in  every  possible  way 
our  communications,  along  that  waterway,  and  by 
the  West  River,  from  Hongkong,  and  by  railway 
connection  between  Upper  Burma,  and  through  that 
province  between  India  and  central  China. 

It  is  time  that  countries  like  England,  the  United 
States,  Australasia,  and  Germany,  too,  set  themselves 
to  study  these  F'ar  Eastern  movements.  It  would 
be  well  to  reflect  on  the  history  of  the  ancient  king- 
doms formed  by  Genghiz  and  his  successors,  for 
history  is  repeating  itself.  Russia  is  conquering  by 
modern  methods  the  kingdom  of  Genghiz ; and  the 
Russian  Tsar,  once  Emperor  of  China,  will  take  the 
place  of  the  Tartar  conquerors  who  carried  fire  and 
sword  throughout  Europe  and  Eastern,  Western,  and 
Southern  Asia.* 

Let  the  mercantile  nations  be  under  no  illusions. 
Should  Russia  be  allowed  to  push  her  railways 
southward  through  Manchuria  and  Mongolia,  with- 
out a corresponding  movement  on  the  part  of  Britain 
in  the  south,  we  shall  have  lost  our  Chinese  buffer; 
and,  with  the  Russian  frontiers  conterminous  with 
those  of  India,  from  the  Upper  Oxus  to  the  Yangtsze 
basin,  unless  we  have  effectively  occupied  and  sol- 
idly established  ourselves  in  southwestern  China,  no 
Power  will  then  be  able  to  save  India. 

The  scheme  of  universal  empire  may  never  reach 

* Napoleon  I.,  at  St.  Helena,  speaking  of  dangers  which  menaced 
Europe  by  Russia,  said:  “Si  un  tsar,  brave,  hardi,  doue  de  belles 
qualites,  monte  sur  le  trone  Russe,  il  pourra  conquerir  toute 
I’Europe.” 


379 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


its  consummation.  Gigantic  bubbles  of  the  Imperial 
order  have  ere  now  burst  by  their  own  expansion. 
Yet  is  there  one  elem.ent  of  endurance  in  the  Rus- 
sian dream  which  was  wanting  in  those  which  have 
passed  away  into  the  vistas  of  history.  It  does  not 
depend  on  the  genius  of  one  man,  of  an  Alexander 
or  a Napoleon  ; nor  on  the  politics  of  one  genera- 
tion. Russian  ambition  is  a permanent  plant,  with 
its  roots  struck  in  the  sentiments  of  over  one  hun- 
dred millions  of  people.  It  requires  no  originality 
in  statesmanship,  but  proceeds  like  a cosmic  move- 
ment, by  its  own  laws  working  automatically,  the 
particular  men  who  seem  from  time  to  time  to  be 
guiding  it  being  but  the  accidents  of  the  movement. 
Fast  or  slow  makes  no  difference  in  the  ultimate 
progress.  Moreover,  the  Russian  Empire  is  built 
territorially  on  more  solid  foundations  than  any 
other,  ancient  or  modern.  Every  addition  goes  to 
enlarge  its  compact  mass,  leaving  no  interstice  for 
hostile  lodgment  on  its  flanks.  Nor  need  we  search 
deeply  into  the  history  of  nations  to  learn  what 
advantages  belong  to  the  people  who  fight  with 
their  back  to  the  north  wind.  To  parley  with  such 
a force  is  like  parleying  with  the  tidal  wave.  Only 
a sea-wall  of  solid  construction  can  set  bounds  to 
its  inflow.  The  saying  of  Cobden,  that  we  could 
crumple  up  Russia  like  a piece  of  paper,  has,  like 
some  other  sayings  of  that  earnest  but  ill-instructed 
man,  fostered  some  costly  delusions  on  the  part  of 
his  countrymen ; and  there  are  still  followers  of  his 
who  are  as  deaf  to  the  warnings  of  history,  and  as 

380 


THE  POLITICAL  QUESTION 


wilfully  blind  to  the  signs  of  the  times,  as  those  who 
married  and  "ave  in  marria2:e  in  the  time  of  Noah. 
It  is  not  on  their  heads  that  the  misery  will  fall,  and 
it  will  be  a poor  consolation  to  their  posterity  to  re- 
flect that  their  fathers  let  in  the  flood,  through  at- 
tachment to  opinions  spun  in  the  air,  with  a sov- 
ereign contempt  for  what  was  visible  and  tangible. 

It  has  been  shown  what  are  the  relative  values  of 
Manchuria,  Mongolia,  and  Tibet  as  regards  China 
Proper.  If  England  means  to  hold  her  position — 
which  can  only  be  accomplished  by  the  same  strong 
and  resolute  forward  policy  by  which  she  attained 
it — she  would  be  wise  to  take  up  an  impregnable 
position  in  Afghanistan  on  the  “ defensive-offensive  ” 
principle,  always  keeping  herself  strong  in  India  by 
means  of  a sufficiency  of  European  troops,  in  case 
the  overwhelming  numbers  of  her  Indian  subjects 
may  at  some  inconvenient  moment  be  turned  against 
her;  she  should  prepare  the  needed  bases  of  opera- 
tions and  lines  of  communication  to  counterbalance 
the  great  and  growing  Eastern  menace. 

For  three  hundred  years  we  fought  France,  and 
built  up  our  Empire  in  the  process.  And  shall  we 
not  face  Russia  now,  rather  than  allow  ourselves  to 
be  first  replaced  by  her  in  China  and  then  engulfed 
in  the  resulting  deluge.^  For,  with  China  Russian, 
Asia  would  soon  be  the  Tsar’s,  and  the  whole  world 
would  in  due  course  of  time  be  subjugated  by  Russia. 
If  Britain  be  but  true  to  herself,  and  draw  the  Anglo- 
Teutonic  races  to  her  side,  she  has  still  the  means 
of  averting  this  danger,  which  threatens  the  whole 


S' 


CHINA  IN  TRANSFORMATION 


of  those  races  through  the  domination  of  the  world 
by  the  Slav  power. 


“Since  first  the  dominion  of  man  was  asserted  over  the  ocean, 
three  thrones,  of  work  beyond  all  others,  have  been  set  upon  its 
sands:  the  thrones  of  Tyre,  Venice,  and  England.  Of  the  First  of 
these  great  powers  only  the  memory  remains ; of  the  Second,  the 
ruin;  the  Third,  which  inherits  their  greatness,  if  it  forget  their 
example,  may  be  led  through  prouder  eminence  to  less  pitied 
destruction.” — Ricskin. 


GLOSSARY  OF  TERMS 


Boy,  a male  personal  attendant  or  general  servant. 

Canguc,  or  “ wooden  collar,”  the  Chinese  form  of  pillory,  in  which 
the  neck  and  hands  are  confined. 

Cash,  the  Chinese  copper  coin,  with  a square  hole  in  the  centre, 
used  for  stringing. 

Cathay,  the  mediaeval  name  for  China. 

Cat  tie,  — lbs. 

Chifii,  a prefect. 

Chihtai,  Governor-General,  usually  superintending  the  affairs  of  two 
provinces. 

Chin  Chin,  commonly  supposed  to  be  a corruption  of  the  Chinese 
sounds  Ching  Citing,  now  generally  used  by  Europeans  as  a 
form  of  greeting. 

Chop,  a mark  ; a term  generally  applied  to  a trade-mark  and  to  a 
stamped  official  document. 

Chtin  Chi,  the  Grand  Council  of  State. 

Chung  T’ang,  a Grand  Secretary  of  State,  of  whom  there  are  si.x. 

Comprador,  the  chief  Chinese  employe  in  a foreign  firm  ; the  middle- 
man between  the  firm  and  the  Chinese. 

Coolie,  a laborer  or  porter. 

Ban  Kivei,  “ foreign  devil,”  foreigner. 

Fan  tai,  provincial  treasurer. 

Feng  shui,  “ wind  and  water,”  a system  of  geomancy. 

Fu,  a prefecture. 

Fiitai,  a governor  of  a province. 

Ginseng,  a root,  greatly  prized  by  the  Chinese  for  medicinal  pur- 
poses, found  in  Manchuria  and  imported  from  America. 

Godosun,  a place  for  storing  goods. 

Haikvjan,  Chinese  Maritime  Customs,  also  applied  to  Hoppo. 

Hanlin,  the  National  Academy  of  Peking,  admission  to  which  is 
gained  by  competitive  examination,  conferring  great  distinction 
on  those  who  are  successful. 

383 


GLOSSARY  OF  TERMS 


Ho,  a river. 

Hong,  a mercantile  firm,  a building  used  as  an  office. 

Hoppo,  a Palace  favorite  appointed  to  certain  provinces  as  head  of 
the  Native  Maritime  Customs. 

Hsiang,  a village. 

Hsien,  a district. 

Hsiu  tsai,  first  literary  degree. 

Hii,  a lake. 

Hui,  a club  or  association. 

Hut  Hui,  a Mohammedan. 

Kiang,  a river. 

Kiao,  a seat. 

Kitai,  the  Russian  name  for  China. 

Kowtow,  literally  hitting  the  head  on  the  ground,  an  act  of  prostra- 
tion formerly  demanded  by  the  Chinese  from  foreign  envoys. 
Kh  jen,  second  degree  of  literary  rank. 

Lamas,  the  Buddhist  priests  of  Tibet,  who  live  together  in  lama- 
series. 

Li,  a Chinese  mile  of  an  English  mile. 

Likin,  an  inland  tax,  well  known  from  its  being  imposed  on  foreign 
goods  in  transit. 

Ling,  a hill,  peak,  a pass. 

Lingchi,  the  punishment  of  slicing  to  death,  inflicted  on  parricides 
and  others. 

Loess,  called  by  the  Chinese  hwang-tu,  is  a brownish-yellow  earth, 
and  is  the  chief  physical  characteristic  of  Northern  China. 

Loti  Shui,2,  terminal  tax,  imposed  on  goods  arriving  at  their  des- 
tination. 

Mafii,  horse-boy  or  groom. 

Mandarin,  a Chinese  official. 

Miaotsu,  the  aborigines  of  certain  provinces. 

Nei  Ko,  Grand  Secretariat  and  Imperial  Chancery. 

Nie  tai,  provincial  judge. 

Pailau,  commemorative  gateway  or  arch. 

Peking  Gazette,  the  official  gazette  published  at  the  capital. 

Picul,  — 133  lbs. 

Pu,  a Board  of  Government,  of  which  there  are  six — Revenue,  Rites, 
Civil  Office,  Punishment,  Works,  and  War. 

Red  Book,  a quarterly  publication  containing  the  names,  titles,  sala- 
ries, etc.,  of  all  officials. 

Sanishu,  Chinese  spirits,  distilled  from  rice  or  millet. 

Shan,  a mountain. 

S/ieng,  a province. 

Shihye,  a secretary — a great  power  in  all  yamens. 

Squeeze,  a generic  term  for  extortion — official  and  otherwise. 

384 


GLOSSARY  OF  TERMS 


Sycee,  ingots  of  silver. 

Ta  Tsing  Kivo,  “great  pure  kingdom” — the  Empire  of  China,  the 
present  dynasty  being  known  as  the  Ta  Tsitg,  or  “ great  pure  ” 
dynasty. 

Tael,  I J ounces  of  silver  in  weight ; now  about  3r.  ^d.  in  value. 

Tao,  a circuit  or  group  of  departments. 

Taoiai,  an  intendant  of  circuit. 

Tientzu,  “ Son  of  Heaven,”  the  Emperor. 

Tsinshih,  third  literary  degree. 

Tsung  Tti,  Governor-General,  usually  superintending  the  affairs  of 
two  provinces. 

Tsungli  Ya!Hen,x.h.&  bureau  at  the  capital  which  is  supposed  to  deal 
with  foreign  affairs;  eight  ministers  belong  to  this  board. 

Va!)ie>t,  an  othcial  residence. 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  CONSULTED 


Ball,  Dyer  . . . 
Bishop,  Mrs.  . . . 

Boulger,  D.  C. 
Brandt,  M.  Von  . 
Chirol,  Valentine 
COLQUHOUN,  A.  R. 


Cooke,  Geo.  Wingrove 
Cordier,  Henri  . . . 
CURZON,  G.  N.  ... 
Davis,  Sir  J.  F.  . . . 
Doolittle,  Justus  . 
Douglas,  R.  K.  . . . 
Dubois,  Marcel  . . 
Ferry,  Jules  . . . 
Fu  el,  E.  J 

Giles,  H.  A 

Gundry,  R.  S.  ... 

IIosiE,  A 

Hake,  A.  E 

Hue,  Abbe  .... 


Kreitner,  Lieutenant  G. 
Leroy-Beaulieu,  Anatole 


“ Things  Chinese.” 

“A  Journey  in  W.  Szuchuan,”  Geo- 
graphical  Journal,  1897,  No.  i. 
“Short  History  of  China.” 

“ Die  Zukunft  Ostasiens.” 

“The  Far  Eastern  Question.” 

“ Across  Chryse.” 

“Amongst  the  Shans.” 

“ English  Policy  in  the  Far  East.” 

“ Key  of  the  Pacific.” 

“ Report  on  Railway  Connection  of 
Burma  and  China.” 

“ China.” 

“ Bibliotheca  Sinica.” 

“ Problems  of  the  Far  East.” 

“ China.” 

“Social  Life  of  the  Chinese.” 

“ History  of  China.” 

“ Systemes  Coloniaux.” 

“ Le  Tonkin.” 

“Europe  in  China;  the  History  of 
Hongkong.” 

“ Gems  of  Chinese  Literature.” 

“ China  and  her  Neighbors.” 

“Three  Years  in  Western  China.” 

“ Events  in  the  Taiping  Rebellion.” 
“Travels  in  Tartar}',  Tibet,  and 
China.” 

“The  Chinese  Empire.” 

“ Im  fernen  Osten.” 

“ Etudes  Russes.” 

“The  Empire  of  the  Czars.” 

386 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  CONSULTED 


Leroy  - Beaulieu,  Paul 

Pierre  

Lcttrcs  Edifiantcs 

Lockhart,  Dr 

Lockhart,  J.  H.  Stewart  . 
Lucas,  C.  P 

Martin,  Dr 

Mayers,  W.  F 

jMeadows,  Thomas  Taylor 


Medhurst,  Sir  Walter 
Michie,  a 


Norman,  H 

Oliphant,  Lawrence  . 

Pauthier 

Pearson,  Prof 

Poole,  S.  L 

PopowsKi,  Joseph  . . . 


Prjevalski,  Colonel 


PUMPELLY,  R 


Reclus,  Elisee 

Remusat  

Richthofen,  F.  Von  . . . 


Rocher,  Emile  . . . . 
Simon,  G.  E 


“ De  la  Colonization  chez  les  Peuples 
modernes.” 

“ Medical  Missionary  of  China.” 

“A  Manual  of  Chinese  Quotations.” 
“ H istorical  Geography  of  the  British 
Colonies.” 

“ A Cycle  of  Cathay.” 

“ The  Chinese  Government.” 

“ Desultory  Notes  on  the  Govern- 
ment and  People  of  China.” 

“ The  Chinese  and  their  Rebellions.” 
“The  Foreigner  in  Far  Cathay.” 

“ Report  to  Shanghai  Chamber  of 
Commerce  (1870).” 

“The  Siberian  Overland  Route  from 
Peking  to  Petersburg.” 

“ People  and  Politics  of  the  Far 
East.” 

“ Lord  Elgin’s  Mission  to  China  and 
Japan.” 

“Histoire  des  Relations  Politiques 
de  la  Chine.” 

“ National  Life  and  Character.” 
“Life  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes.” 

“ The  Rival  Powers.” 

“ Que  deviendront  les  Colonies  dans 
I’eventualite  d’un  conflit  Franco- 
Russe  avec  la  Triple  Alliance  ?” 
" England  and  the  Triple  Alliance.” 
“Travels  in  Mongolia.” 

“ From  Kulja  across  the  Tien  shan 
to  Lob-nor.” 

“Geological  Researches  in  China” 
(Smithsonian  Institution). 

“ Across  America  and  Asia.” 

“ Geographic  Universelle.” 

“ Nouveaux  Melanges.” 

“China,  Ergebnisse  eigener  Reisen 
unddaraufgegriindeterStudien.” 
“ Letters  to  the  Shanghai  Chamber 
of  Commerce.” 

“ La  Province ChinoiseduYiin-nan.” 
“ China : its  Social,  Political,  and 
Religious  Life.” 


387 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  CONSULTED 


Smith,  A.  H “Chinese  Characteristics.” 

Williams,  S.  Wells  . . . “ Middle  Kingdom.” 

Williamson,  Rev.  A.  . . . “ Journeys  in  North  China.” 

WoLSELEY,  Col.  G.  J.  . . . “ Narrative  of  the  War  with  China.” 

Yule,  Col.  H “ Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither.” 

“ “ “ Marco  Polo.” 


INDEX 


Aborigines,  The,  24. 

Administration,  Chinese,  167. 

Alcock,  Sir  K.,  On  the  Tsungli 
Yamen,  21 1 ; On  the  Chinese 
Press,  229. 

Amherst  Mission,  The,  52. 

Amur  Province,  The,  i. 

Ancestral  worship,  265. 

Anglo  - Cliinese  War  of  1856-60, 
Object  of  the,  201. 

Anhwei,  Province  of,  iS. 

Apathy  of  British  policy  in  China, 
368. 

Asiatic  Power,  Britain  as  an,  322  ; 
Russia  as  an,  324;  France  as  an, 
328. 

Association,  Chinese  faculty  of,  297. 

Audience  Question,  The,  226. 

Australasia,  Interest  of,  in  China, 
377- 

Autonomy,  Chinese  system  of,  89. 

Baber,  E.  C.,  On  Chinese  roads, 
82,  83  ; On  sedan-chair  travelling, 
83  ; On  Chien-chang  Valley,  identi- 
fied with  the  Cciin-du  of  Marco 
Polo,  122,  123. 

Banking  in  China,  107. 

Banto,  The,  of  Japan,  Bourne  and 
Brenan  on,  146. 

Bayan  Kara  Mountains,  The,  6. 

Beggars,  The  organization  of,  299. 

Bishop,  Mrs.,  On  Szechuan,  123  ; 
Description  of  Chengtu  plain,  124. 

Bourne,  On  the  Lolo,  24  ; On  indus- 
trial China,  58  ; On  opium,  77  ; 
On  necessity  of  commercial  re- 
cruits acquiring  knowledge  of 


colloquial  Chinese,  148,  149 ; On 
question  of  Likin,  160,  161. 

Brandt,  Ilerr  von.  Influence  at 
Peking,  225. 

Brenan,  On  Suchau  and  llangchau, 
134 : On  reasons  for  supineness 
of  foreign  merchants,  147  ; On 
Japanese  manufactures,  158,  159  ; 
On  transit-pass  system,  162. 

Bridges,  Stone  and  iron  suspension, 
in  Szechuan  and  Yunnan,  124. 

Bright  on  British  trade  with  China, 

151- 

Britain,  As  an  Asiatic  Power,  322  ; 
Position  of,  iu  Asia,  336  ; Policy 
of,  in  China,  considered,  339 ; 
Diplomacy  of,  in  Asia,  considered, 
348  ; Policy  of,  in  Far  East,  351  ; 
Empire  - building  policy  in  Equa- 
torial Africa  involves  neglect  of 
Far  East,  373  ; “ Forward  move- 
ment ” on  part  of,  in  China,  es- 
sential, 379. 

British  Colonies,  Interest  of,  in 
China,  376. 

British  method  of  trading,  142. 

British  Policy  in  China,  Errors  of, 
204,  206  ; In  Hongkong,  Success 
of,  318  ; Apathy  of,  368  ; Steps 
necessary  to  safeguard  British  In- 
terests, 374. 

British  trade  in  China,  English 
merchants  compared  with  Ger- 
man, 144  ; with  Russian,  145  ; 
Lord  Palmerston  on,  151  ; Bright 
on,  151  ; Cobden  on,  152  ; Rem- 
edies for  present  unsatisfactory 
condition  of,  164. 


INDEX 


British  and  Russian  Policy,  “ Theory 
and  practice”  as  exemplified  in, 

370. 

Buddhist  pilgrims.  Travels  of,  31. 

Burlinghame  Mission,  The,  220. 

Burma,  characteristics  of,  and  China 
compared  re  railways,  too,  lOl  ; 
Land  base  for  England's  occu- 
pation of  Upper  Yangtsze,  lOg  ; 
Position  of,  as  regards  China,  con- 
sidered, no  ; Absorbing  ground 
for  overflow  population  of  India 
and  China,  117. 

Canada,  ‘ ‘ all-  British  ” route  through. 
Importance  of,  377. 

Carlyle  on  ancestral  worship,  266. 

Came,  Louis  de,  on  French  Indo- 
China,  44. 

Cathay,  Name  applied  to  China, 
29. 

Censorate,  The,  180,  236. 

Camel,  Bactrian,  employed  in  Mon- 
golian trade,  84. 

Carrying  trade.  Percentage  under 
various  flags,  153. 

Central  Asia,  Principal  trade  route 
of,  84. 

Central  capital,  Gordon  on,  89. 

Central  Government,  The,  182  ; Six 
Hoards  of,  183. 

Cheapness  of  manufactured  goods, 
an  essential  for  development  of 
trade,  1 50, 

Chekiang,  Province  of,  17. 

Cliengtu,  City  of,  124;  Plan  of,  de- 
scribed by  Mrs.  Bishop,  124. 

Chifu  Convention,  The,  57. 

Chihli,  Province  of,  ii  ; Coal  in,  61. 

China,  Area  of,  3 ; Population  of, 
9 ; Vis  inert  ice  of,  95  ; How  to 
be  opened,  95  ; Railway  system 
of,  should  be  modelled  on  Indian 
system,  97  ; Compared  with  India, 
97;  Low  railway  rates  necessary 
in,  102  ; Postal  service  in.  107  ; 
Banking  in,  107  ; England’s  ob- 
jective in,  109;  Two  ways  for 
England  to  reach  inland  trade  of, 
109  ; Southwestern  provinces  con- 
sidered as  a trading  field,  lli; 
The  general  position  of  France 


towards,  considered,  in;  No 
longer  a buffer,  140;  Treaty  ports 
in,  142  ; Wants  of  market  should 
be  studied,  150  ; Total  value  of 
Imports  and  exports  of,  in  1S96, 
152  ; Trade  of,  with  United  States, 
156  ; Labor  of  Chinese,  as  com- 
pared with  Japanese,  160;  View 
held  in,  of  Russians  and  British, 
354  ; General  resources  of,  under 
Western  direction,  considered, 
357  ; General  position  in,  a few 
years  hence,  377. 

Chinese  Characteristics  : — Ancient 
reputation  for  Integrity,  30 ; 
Taste  for  luxuries,  Bourne  on, 
148  ; Industry,  252  ; Endurance, 
253  ; Mechanical  Skill,  254  ; In- 
tellectual Capacity,  254  ; Com- 
mercial Morality,  257  ; Mili- 
tary Qualities,  270;  Commercial 
Genius,  27 1 ; Generosity,  273  ; 
Gratitude,  277  ; Cheerfulness, 
281  ; Self-sacrifice,  302;  Analogies 
and  Contrasts  between  Chinese 
and  Russians,  Michie  on,  354; 
Vitality,  Michie  on,  358  ; Qualifi- 
cations for  Military  Purposes,  358  ; 
Passive  Bravery,  362. 

“Chinese”  Gordon,  on  central  capi- 
ta], 89. 

Chinkiang,  one  central  railway  ter- 
minus, 93. 

Chungking,  first  commercial  city  of 
Szechuan,  125. 

Chusan,  19. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  and  decline  of 
British  prestige  in  China,  220-221. 

Climate,  26. 

Coal,  Areas  of,  60. 

Cobden,  on  British  trade  with  China, 
152- 

Code  of  Honor,  260. 

Co-Hong,  The,  47. 

Colonial  systems  of  England,  France, 
and  Russia  contrasted,  332. 

Commercial  Development,  141. 

Commercial  morality  in  Japan,  as 
compared  with  that  of  China,  159. 

Communications,  General  character 
of,  81  : Absence  of,  90;  Value  of, 
90;  Wealth  of  Upper  Burma, 


390 


INDEX 


Western  China,  and  Shan  States, 
fallow  for  want  of,  117;  Railways 
required  in  S.  and  S.W.  China, 
140. 

Competitive  examinations,  175. 

Comprador,  Bourne  and  Brenan  on 
the,  146. 

Coolies,  Wages  of,  70;  Traffic  in,  316. 

Cordier  on  Coolie  Emigration,  72.  ' 

Corea,  2. 

Corruption,  Official,  considered,  192. 

Court,  Conservatism  of,  202. 

Curzon,  Mr.,  On  the  Native  Press, 
233 ; On  dangers  involved  in  a 
Russian  occupation  of  a port  in 
Gulf  of  Pechili,  347. 

Custom-houses,  Native,  “ Kwan," 
155- 

Customs,  Foreign,  Limitations  of, 
155- 

Davis,  Sir  J.  F.,  55. 

De  Lange,  Accompanies  Ismailoff  to 
Peking,  39. 

Development  of  trade.  How  to  be 
effected,  14S;  Cheapness  an  essen- 
tial, 150. 

Diagrams  and  Maps  ; Distribution  of 
Religions  in  Asia,  10;  Loess  For- 
mation throughout  North  China, 
22  ; Advance  of  Russia,  to  det- 
riment of  China,  37;  Density  of 
Population  in  Asia,  40 ; Distribu- 
tion of  Races  in  Asia,  41;  Navi- 
gation-limits of  the  Yangtsze  and 
its  Tributaries,  131  ; Navigation- 
limits  of  Si  Kiang  or  West  River, 
137;  Provinces  ravaged  by  Mo- 
hammedan Risings,  2S8  ; Regions 
devastated  by  the  Taiping  Rebel- 
lion, 201 ; Map  of  Hongkong,  308; 
Map  showing  extension  of  Hong- 
kong, 319;  Comparison  of  Euro- 
pean and  Asian  populations  of 
England  and  Russia,  323. 

Diplomatic  Intercourse,  Opening  of, 
208. 

Distribution  of  Religions  in  Asia, 
The,  diagram,  10. 

Doolittle  on  beggars,  29S. 

Dunganis,  The,  25. 

Dutch  intercourse  with  China,  42. 


East  India  Company  and  China, 
45- 

Elgin’s  Mission,  Lord,  56. 

Emperor  of  China,  Position  of,  in 
the  Chinese  governing  machine, 
169. 

Empire  of  China,  Area  of.  Causes  of 
duration  of,  283. 

Empress  - Dowager,  The,  and  the 
Government,  190. 

England,  Objective  of,  in  China, 
109  ; Must  effectively  occupy  Yang- 
tsze region  and  Southern  China, 
140. 

English,  Intercourse  with  China,  45  ; 
Manufacturers,  adherence  of,  to  es- 
tablished standards,  causes  loss  of 
business,  149. 

“English  Policy  in  the  Far  East,” 
Prediction  in  1884  by  Author,  349. 

“ Equal  trade,”  Doctrine  of,  referred 
to,  370. 

Etiquette,  Importance  attached  to, 
265. 

Examinations,  Competitive,  175. 

Exports,  Total  value  of,  in  1896,  152. 

F.vmine,  The,  1878,  87. 

Famines,  Characteristics  of,  86. 

Far  East,  The  general  situation  in, 
early  in  189S,  344  ; Neglected  by 
Britain  for  empire  - building  in 
Equatorial  Africa,  373. 

Foreign  intercourse  with  China,  and 
Chinese  vis  inertia,  95. 

Foreign  merchants.  Supineness  of, 
commented  on  by  Brenan,  147. 

Foreign  Customs,  limitations  of, 
155;  An  object-le.sson  for  China, 
197. 

Foreign  Policy,  Treatment  of,  by 
Britain  and  Continental  States, 
353- 

Forward  movement  of  Britain  in 
China  essential,  379. 

France,  Early  intercourse  with  China, 
43  ; The  general  position  of,  tow- 
ards China,  considered,  in;  As 
an  Asiatic  Power,  328 ; The  co- 
lonial policy  of,  328  ; Probable 
position  of,  in  China,  378. 


39' 


INDEX 


Franco-Russian  alliance  foreshadowed 
in  1SS5,  334. 

Franciscan  Monks  in  China,  31. 

Fukien,  Province  of,  17. 

German  trader  compared  with  Brit- 
ish, 144,  145. 

German  statesman.  A,  on  English 
policy  in  China  (1897),  366. 

Germany,  Intercourse  witli  China, 
45;  The  policy  of,  in  Asia,  343; 
Probable  position  of,  in  China, 

378. 

Giles,  H.  A.,  on  comparisons  between 
China  and  Japan,  248. 

Glossary  of  Terms,  383. 

Government  and  Administration, 
Chinese,  167. 

Grand  Canal,  'Phe  (Yun-ho,  “ River 
of  Transports  ”),  81. 

Great  Plain,  20. 

Grey,  Lord,  on  Hongkong,  310. 

Guilds,  296. 

Hainan,  19. 

Han  River,  Navigation  of,  consid- 
ered, 130;  Valley  of,  132. 

Hangchau,  17;  Brenan  on,  134. 

Hankau,  One  central  railway  - ter- 
minus, 93  ; Treaty  port  of,  132. 

Hanyang,  City  of,  132. 

Hart,  Sir  Robert,  on  number  of  opi- 
um smokers  in  China,  75. 

High-roads  from  Peking,  84. 

Hoang  ho.  The,  8. 

Honan,  Province  of,  17;  Coal  in,  64. 

Hong  Merchants,  The,  49. 

Hongkong  and  Shanghai,  Sea -bases 
for  England’s  occupation  of  Upper 
Vangtsze,  140. 

Hongkong,  An  object-lesson,  305 ; 
Unique  position  of,  306;  Map  of, 
30S  ; Climate  of,  313;  Extension 
of,  319. 

Hoppo,  Origin  of  the,  46 ; At  Can- 
ton, 194. 

Hosie,  On  Navigation  of  Yangtsze, 
71  ; On  Yunnan,  1 15. 

Hue,  On  Manchu  policy,  35;  On 
Opium,  74;  On  placards,  231;  On 
commercial  genius  of  Chinese,  272  ; 
On  Chinese  societies,  298 ; On 


qualifications  of  Chinese  for  mili- 
tary and  naval  purposes,  361. 

Hunan,  Province  of,  18  ; Coal  in,  64. 

Hupei,  Province  of,  i8. 

Ichang,  Description  of,  127,  128  ; 
Introduction  of  steamers  on  Yang- 
tsze to,  128. 

Ignatieff,  39. 

Imports,  Total  value  of,  in  1896, 
152. 

India,  Expansion  of  commerce  in, 
through  railways,  97  ; Compared 
with  Cliina,  97  ; Increase  of 
traffic  on  railways  in  fifty  years, 
97 ; Official  discouragement  of 
railways  in,  gS  ; Guiding  principle 
of  railways  in,  99;  Military” 
and  “commercial”  railways,  99; 
Break  of  railway  gauge  in,  99 ; 
Earnings  of  railways  in,  compared 
with  other  countries,  100 ; Posi- 
tion considered,  together  with 
China,  337 ; Menaced  by  Russian 
domination  of  China,  379. 

Indo- China,  Railways  formerly  pro- 
posed in,  1 14. 

Initiative,  Lack  of,  a hinderance  to 
trade  with  China,  143. 

Inspector-General  of  Customs  relied 
on  by  Chinese,  223. 

Insurance,  Chinese  method  of,  301. 

Jamieson,  On  questions  of  Likin, 
163 ; On  imperial  revenue,  195 ; 
On  revenue  of  China,  257 ; On 
China  as  a field  for  exploitation, 
367- 

Japan,  Considered  with  reference  to 
the  China  question,  157,  158  ; Com- 
mercial morality  of,  compared  with 
that  of  China,  159;  Brenan  on 
manufactures  of,  158,  159;  Prob- 
able position  of,  in  China,  378. 

Japanese  labor,  as  compared  with 
Chinese,  160. 

Jesuits,  The,  maps  of  China  by,  4. 

Jews  in  China,  33. 

Journalism  in  China,  238. 

Kaiping  collieries.  The,  61,  63  ; 
Line  to  Petang,  94. 


INDEX 


Kansu,  Province  of,  15  ; Ivlohamme- 
dans  of,  a factor  of  value,  121. 

Kaulung,  Growth  of,  31 1 ; Map  of, 

319- 

Kiangsi,  Province  of,  ig. 

Kiangsu,  Province  of,  16. 

Kublai  Khan,  Emperor,  creator  of 
Grand  Canal,  81. 

Kuenlun  Mountains,  5. 

Kung,  Prince,  head  of  Tsungli 
Yamen,  2og  ; DilTerence  with  Mr. 
Lay,  217. 

“Kw'an,”  or  native  Custom-houses, 
155- 

Kwangsi,  Province  of,  15. 

Kwangtung,  Province  of,  14. 

Kvveichau,  Province  of,  14  ; Physical 
features  of,  iig;  General  descrip- 
tion of,  120;  Shans  of,  value  of 
for  England,  121  ; Without  mining, 
poor,  121. 

Labor,  Price  of,  70,  71. 

Lagree,  Doudart  de,  44. 

Lagrene  Mission  to  Peking,  44. 

Lang,  Captain,  216. 

I.anguage,  Knowledge  of  Chinese, 
necessary,  146. 

Lay,  Mr.  IL  N.,  on  British  policy, 
207. 

Lay-Osborne  incident,  The,  215,  216. 

Liberty  enjoyed  by  the  Chinese,  296. 

Li,  The  aboriginal,  25. 

Li  Hung  Chang  and  the  Government, 
igo;  At  Chifu  in  1S76,  224;  His 
love  of  bargaining,  273. 

Likin  Question,  Bourne  on,  161,  162; 
Jamieson  on,  162. 

I.iterati,  The,  234. 

Lockhart,  Mr.  Stewart,  on  Chinese 
love  of  quotation,  239. 

Lockhart,  Dr.,  the  missionary,  on 
Russian  policy  in  China,  355. 

Loess  formation,  20,  21 ; Diagram 
showing,  21. 

Lolo,  The,  24. 

l.ucas,  C.  P.,  On  Britain  in  Asia,  342. 

Lungchau  route,  of  secondary  im- 
portance, 139. 

Lutswun,  Salt-works  of,  68. 

I.yons  Mission  to  Southern  China, 
Report  of,  quoted,  14S,  332. 


Macartney  Mission,  52. 

Manchus,  contempt  for  trade,  45  ; 
Edict  of  the,  34. 

Manchuria,  2. 

Mandarins,  E.xactions  of,  a barrier  to 
trade,  143. 

Manufactures  of  China,  Silk  and 
Cotton,  135  ; Of  Japan,  Brenan 
on,  158,  159. 

Manufacturers,  English,  Adherence 
of,  to  established  standards,  causes 
loss  of  business,  149,  150. 

Maritime  Province,  The,  2. 

Martin,  Dr.,  On  opium,  76. 

Meadows,  Prophetic  work  on  China, 
96;  On  Income  of  Mandarins,  193; 
On  Rebellions  in  China,  289  ; On 
the  Russian  “ forward  movement," 

350. 

Merchants,  Chinese,  at  Hongkong, 
316. 

Miao-tzu,  A non-Chinese  race,  24; 
found  in  Kweichau,  120. 

Michie,  A.,  On  faculty  of  self-gov- 
ernment, 2S4  ; On  analogies  and 
contrasts  presented  by  Russians 
and  Chinese,  354. 

Mining,  Required  to  improve  condi- 
tion of  Yunnan  and  Kweichau,  121. 

Mohammedans  in  China,  25  ; Re- 
bellions, 288. 

Mongolia,  Chinese  immigration  into, 
72  ; Probably  one  of  the  next  ac- 
quisitions of  Russia,  364. 

Mules  of  China,  84. 

Muravieff,  39. 

Namoa,  Capture  of  the,  315. 

Nanking,  Treaty  of,  55  ; Old  capital 
of  Empire,  133. 

Napier,  Lord,  appointed  Superintend- 
ent of  Trade,  53. 

Napoleon  L,  On  domination  of 
Europe  by  Russia,  379. 

Native  Custom-houses,  “'kwan,”  155. 

Navy  Board  established,  1S4. 

Nestorians  in  China,  30. 

Nicaragua  Canal,  Importance  of,  for 
United  States  trade  with  China, 
156- 

Northern  provinces.  Backward  con- 
dition of  the,  86. 


393 


INDEX 


Officials,  Titles  and  duties  of,  172  ; 
Two  chief  characteristics  of,  175  ; 
Few  amusements  and  holidays  of, 
187;  Virtually  unpaid,  193;  Exac- 
tions of,  194 ; Aggressiveness  of, 
200. 

Opening  of  China,  Necessity  of,  141. 
Opium  Question,  The,  72. 

“ Opium  War,”  The,  56. 

Pacific  States  and  China  question, 

156. 

Pakhoi  to  Nanning  railway,  139. 
Palmerston,  Lord,  On  British  Trade 
with  China,  151. 

Palmerston,  Policy  of,  with  regard  to 
China,  218. 

Palmerston  on  Russian  policy,  333. 
Panthays,  The,  25. 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  200. 

Pei  ho,  The,  8. 

Peking,  Convention  of,  56. 

Peking  dialect.  The,  23. 

Peking,  Four  high-roads  from,  84; 
Railway  to  Tientsin,  94 ; Inner 
politics  of,  189. 

Peking  Gazette,  The  Age  of,  228 ; 
Quoted,  258. 

Peking  Government,  Enfeebled  con- 
trol of.  Reasons  for,  89. 

Pickering,  Mr.,  On  the  Triad  Society, 
293- 

Piracy  near  Hongkong,  315. 

Placards,  Anti-foreign,  231. 

Policy  of  China,  363. 

Political  Question,  The,  321. 

Polo,  Marco,  On  use  of  coal,  60 ; 
On  Grand  Canal,  81  ; On  Cain-du, 
123. 

Ponies  of  China,  84. 

Popowski  on  Russian  ‘ ‘ forward 
movement,”  350. 

Population  of  Asia,  Density  of,  40. 
Population  of  China  Proper,  9 ; Dis- 
tribution of,  II. 

Ports,  Chief,  trade  of,  1896,  154. 
Portuguese  intercourse  with  China, 
43- 

Postal  service  in  China,  107. 

Poyang  Lake,  132. 

Prediction  in  1S85,  at  end  of  Franco 
Chinese  war,  by  author,  321. 


Press,  Development  of,  241. 

Printing,  232. 

Prjevalski,  On  Russian  intercourse 
with  China,  38  ; On  Anglo-French 
war  with  China,  205  ; On  Chinese 
qualifications  for  military  pur- 
poses, 359  ; On  Chinese  policy, 

363- 

Provinces,  The  eighteen,  2. 

Puerh,  occupied  by  Mohammedan 
rebels,  1 16. 

R.'tCES  of  Asia,  Distribution  of,  41. 

Railways,  The  supreme  necessity  for 
China,  90;  China  as  a field  for,  91- 
92  ; Basis  of  construction  of,  92  ; 
Inter  - provincial,  92  ; Proposed 
local  lines,  93  ; Present  northern 
system,  94 ; Tientsin  to  Peking, 
94;  Trunk  lines,  94;  Wusung  to 
Shanghai,  first  railway  opened,  94; 
Foreign  management  required, 
95  ; Williamson  on,  96  ; System 
of  China,  should  be  modelled  on 
Indian  system,  97  ; Peking-Tient- 
sin  line,  popularity  of,  97  ; Ob- 
stacles to  introduction  of,  India 
and  Cliina  compared,  g8  ; Official 
discouragement  of,  in  India,  98  ; 
Guarantee  system  in  India,  advan- 
tages of,  98  ; Guiding  principle  of 
construction  in  India,  99  ; Break 
of  gauge  in  Indian,  99  ; Earnings 
of,  in  various  countries,  compared, 
100 : “Military”  and  “commer- 
cial,” in  India,  100 ; Characteris- 
tics of  Burmese  and  Chinese  coun- 
tries and  peoples  compared,  100- 
loi  ; Comparison  of  various  sys- 
tems, loi  ; Coal  and  iron  supply  of 
China  gives  great  advantage  over 
India,  102;  Percentage  of  natives 
employed  in  India,  bearing  on 
China,  loi  ; Two  methods  suitable 
for  China,  102-103  ; From  north 
to  south,  generally  considered,  103; 
Direct  communication  with  Europe 
considered,  103  ; Peking  - Hankau 
line,  104;  Tientsin  - Chinkiang - 
Hangchau  line,  with  extension  to 
Canton,  considered,  104:  Connec- 
tion of  Burma  and  S.W.  China 


394 


INDEX 


considered,  log  ; Frontier,  N.W. 
and  N.E.,  considered,  no;  In 
Yunnan  considered,  112;  Manda- 
lay-Kunlon  F'erry  line,  Character 
of,  1 14  ; The  overland  railway 
from  Burma,  and  Yangtsze  wa- 
ter-route, complementary,  119; 
I’akhoi  - Nanning  line  considered, 
139;  Communications  by  means 
of,  required  in  S.  and  S.W.  China, 

140. 

Rawlinson  on  the  relative  positions 
of  England  and  Russia  in  Asia, 

336. 

Rebellions  in  China,  289. 

Reforms  necessary  in  S.  and  S.W. 
China,  139,  140. 

Revenue,  Percentage  of  dues  and 
duties  paid  under  various  flags, 
153  ; Collection  of,  195. 

Richthofen,  On  the  Wei  Basin,  12  ; 
On  conveyance  of  coal,  61  ; On 
Tungkwan  Road,  85. 

Roads  in  China,  General  character 
of,  82. 

Ruskin  quoted,  3S2. 

Russia  — Intercourse  with  China, 
36 ; Advance  on  China  {map),  37  ; 
Britain's  chief  competitor  in  East- 
ern Asia,  141  ; Intelligence  De- 
partment, methods  of,  226  ; As  an 
Asiatic  Power,  324;  The  “for- 
ward movement " of,  324  ; The 
Trans-Siberian  Railway,  327  ; The 
Asiatic  policy  of,  considered,  334  ; 
And  China,  understanding  be- 
tween, 345  ; The  position  of,  in 
China,  and  in  Europe,  353  ; Un- 
derstands the  Chinese,  353 ; The 
policy  of,  at  Peking,  355  ; Method 
of  storming  Towns  in  Central 
Asia,  362  ; Probable  next  moves 
of,  363  ; And  British  policy,  “the- 
ory and  practice”  exemplified  in, 
370  ; And  Europe,  Napoleon  I. 
on,  379  ; Probable  position  of,  in 
China,  a few  years  hence,  377  ; 
Domination  of  China  by,  menaces 
India,  379. 

Russian  trader.  Compared  with  Brit- 
ish, 145. 

Russians  and  Chinese,  The  analogies 


and  contrasts  presented  by,  Michie 
oil.  354- 

Salt  industry.  The,  63. 

Secret  Societies,  292. 

Sedan-chair,  Travelling  by,  83. 

Seymour,  .Sir  Michael,  201. 

Sham,  The  reign  of,  in  China,  189. 

Shan  States,  Wealth  of,  fallow  for 
want  of  communications,  117; 
Absorbing  ground  for  overflow 
population  of  India  and  China,  it 7. 

Shanghai,  Silk  and  cotton  manu- 
factures of,  135  : Commercial  im- 
portance of,  135  ; Foreign  trade 
of.  135- 

Shanghai  and  Hongkong,  Sea-bases 
for  England’s  occupation  of  Upper 
Yangtsze,  140. 

Shankaikwan,  26. 

Shansi,  Coal  in,  62,  65. 

Shansi,  Province  of,  12. 

Shans,  The,  24. 

Shantung,  Province  of,  16  ; Coal  in, 
67  ; Gold  in,  67  ; The  natives  of, 
271. 

Shashi,  Description  of,  128. 

Shell  Pao,  The,  or  Shanghai  Gazette, 
239. 

Shensi,  Province  of,  12. 

Shimonoseki,  Treaty  of,  57,  125. 

Siam  Convention,  The,  57. 

Si  Kiang,  or  West  River,  8 ; The 
chief  channel  of  trade  in  South, 
136. 

Simon,  On  industrial  future  of 
China,  58  ; On  Chinese  taxation, 
171. 

Smith,  A.  II.,  On  endurance  and 
eipiability  of  Chinese,  2S1  ; On 
their  cheerfulness,  282. 

Societies  abundant  in  China,  29S. 

Southern  China,  Trade  routes  in, 
133. 

Spanish  intercourse  with  China,  43, 

Steam  navigation.  Much  yet  to  be 
accomplished,  90  ; Trade  develop- 
ment possible  by  means  of,  on  Han 
Valley, Tsingting  and  Poyang  lakes, 
132,  133  ; Measures  required,  in 
Yangtsze  and  West  River  basins, 
140. 


395 


INDEX 


Suchau,  Position  of,  17  ; Brenan  on, 
134- 

Superintendent  of  trade,  British, 
should  be  appointed,  165. 

Superintendents  of  Trade,  Chinese, 

185- 

Szechuan,  Province  of,  15  ; General 
description,  122,  123  ; l.amas  and 
lamasaries  of,  123;  Description  of, 
by  Mrs.  Bishop,  123;  Stone  and 
iron  suspension  - bridges  in,  124; 
The  Min  Valley,  125  ; Wealth  of, 
126 ; Chinese  proverb  regarding, 
126. 

Szumao,  116. 

Taiyuen  fu.  Basin  of,  61. 

Taiping  Rebellion,  The,  215  ; Re- 
gions devastated  by  the,  2gi, 

Taxation,  Striking  example  of  effects 
of,  on  West  River,  137  ; Enforce- 
ment of  transit -pass  imperative, 
140  ; Internal,  on  foreign  trade, 
has  a paralyzing  effect,  162  ; Con- 
solidation advisable,  163. 

Tea,  6g. 

Telegraphs,  Chinese  Imperial,  106. 

“Theory  and  practice,”  as  exem- 
plified by  British  and  Russian 
policy  in  China,  370. 

Thieves,  Organization  of,  299. 

Tian  Shan  Mountains,  5. 

Tibet,  one  of  the  next  intended  ac- 
quisitions of  Russia,  3C4 ; Domi- 
nation of,  by  Russia  ; Bearing  on 
China,  37S. 

Tientsin,  Railway  to  Peking,  94 ; 
Treaty  of,  56,  202. 

Trade,  The  Central  Asian  route  ; 84  ; 
Stagnation  of,  treaty  ports  no 
panacea  for,  95  ; Routes  in 
Southern  China,  138 ; Chinese 
inertia  a hinderance  to,  143  ; Re- 
quires “pushing”  in  interior,  to 
“introduce”  foreign  goods  and 
manufactures,  143  ; Initiative  must 
come  from  the  Western  merchant, 
144  ; How  to  develop,  148  ; De- 
velopment of,  cheapness  an  essen- 
tial, 150  ; British,  compared  with 
other  countries  in  1896,  152  ; 

Carrying,  percentage  under  va- 


rious flags,  153  ; Proportions  of 
dues  and  duties  paid  under  various 
foreign  flags,  153;  Of  chief  ports, 
1S96,  154  ; via  Tongking  almost 
entirely  transit  trade  from  Hong- 
kong, 154;  Of  United  States  with 
China,  156;  Internal  taxation  on 
foreign,  has  a paralyzing  effect, 
162;  British,  with  China,  remedies 
for  unsatisfactory  condition  of, 
164  ; Chinese  Superintendents  of, 
185  ; British  share  of,  in  China  and 
Far  East,  324. 

Trader,  the  native  and  British  com- 
pared, 142;  British  compared  with 
Germans,  144;  With  Russian,  145. 

Trading,  British  method  of,  142. 

Trans-Manchurian  railways,  373. 

Trans-Siberian  railway,  327  ; Prog- 
ress of,  372. 

Transit  - pass.  Enforcement  of,  im- 
perative, 140  ; Brenan  on  system, 
162. 

Transport,  Means  of,  83;  In  the 
Far  East,  cost  by  road  and  rail 
compared,  102. 

Treaty  ports.  Multiplication  of,  no 
panacea  for  trade  stagnation,  95  ; 
List  of,  142. 

Triad  Society,  The,  293. 

Tseng  Kwo  Fan,  269. 

Tsungli-Yamen  established,  184;  Ur- 
banity of,  206  ; Obstructiveness  of, 
210-21 1 ; Modus  ojrcmtidi  oi,  211. 

Tszechau,  65. 

Tungkwan  road,  Richthofen  on,  85. 

Tungting  lake,  130. 

Turkestan,  Chinese,  probably  one  of 
the  next  acquisitions  of  Ru.ssia, 

363- 

United  States,  The  conditions  of, 
compared  with  China,  as  regards 
railways,  loi  ; And  China  question, 
155  ; Trade  of,  v ith  Chinn,  156. 

Upper  Burma,  Wealth  of,  fallow  for 
want  of  communications,  117. 

Upper  Yangstze,  Key  to  England’s 
position  in  China,  139. 

Vi.ANGAU,  General,  225. 


Voeux,  Sir  W.  des,  on  Hongkong,  312. 

396 


INDEX 


Wallace,  Sir  D.  Mackenzie,  on  the 
Russian  “ forward  movement,”  326. 

Wei  Basin,  Importance  of  the,  12. 

Wei  Valley,  centre  of  gravity  of  Mid- 
China,  85. 

W ensiang,  20g. 

Western  China,  Wealth  of,  fallow 
for  want  of  communications,  117. 

Whampoa,  46. 

Williamson,  On  railway  question,  96. 

Woman,  Influence  of,  in  Chinese 
Government,  igi. 

Wuchang,  132. 

Wuhu,  Treaty  port  of,  133. 

Wusung  railway,  first  line  opened  in 
China,  94. 

Yangtsze  Kiang,  7;  General  descrip- 
tion of  Upper,  121;  Characteristics 
of,  near  Ichang,  126  ; Junk  traffic 
on,  127  ; Overland  transport  of 
opium  on  Upper,  127  ; Introduc- 
tion of  steamers  to  Ichang  on,  128  ; 
Lower  course  of,  130;  Navigation 
limits  of,  considered,  131  ; The 
mouth  of  the,  134. 

Yangtsze  basin,  effective  occupation 
of,  by  Britain  essential,  37S. 


Yangtsze  region  and  southern  China 
must  be  effectively  occupied  by 
England,  140. 

Yule,  On  intercourse  between  China 
and  Western  nations,  28  ; On  an- 
cient Chinese,  29  ; On  Eriar  Odor- 
ic,  32. 

Yun  - ho,  “River  of  Transport,” 
Grand  Canal,  81. 

Yunling  Mountains,  5. 

Yunnan,  Province  of,  14  ; Mineral 
wealth  of,  67  ; Main  physical  feat- 
ures of,  112  ; Considered  from 
point  of  view  of  railways,  112  ; 
Routes  of  communication  with, 
considered,  113;  Two  widely  dif- 
ferent estimates  of,  114-115;  Ilosie 
on,  115;  Opium  grown  in,  the  great 
industry,  116;  Routes  and  prices 
considered,  116;  The  capital  of 
the  province,  the  centre  of  three 
converging  routes,  116;  Apprecia- 
tion of,  117  ; Mineral  wealth  of, 
iiS;  Routes  to,  118  ; Mohamme- 
dans of,  value  of,  for  England, 
121  ; Without  mining,  poor,  121  ; 
Stone  and  iron  suspension-bridges 
in,  124. 


THE  END 


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